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Box 13, Folder 21, Document 8

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_008.pdf
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  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 8
  • Text: July zo . 19t>7 _ r. . L N. .D ar r . La I .. T a i . in fur er r ly to yo r lett r of .July l • apec:ifi~ Uy co c nu yo\P' p viou coTre a-d ence • ., Collier Gl din half of city i 1ft tio 1 i formatio you r quir t I cerely.• U cc: Cila i • Jr. i• �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 12

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_012.pdf
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  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 12
  • Text: Honorab le I van Allen, J r. Mayor Atlanta, Geor gia Dear .1ayor Allen: Th e du ties an d ob li gations a ssoci a te d with t h e closin g of shcool an d assisti n g in t h e Unite d Ne gro Colle ge Fun d Camp ai gn , a re my e xp lanations f or the del ay in f ormerl y acknowle dgin g my accep tance of the assi gnment y ou hav e me a t t he Cos mop olit an A. M. E. Ch urch , Tues day n i gh t, Jun e 6 , 196 7. Th is comes to in f orm y ou t h at I have a lre ady h a d t wo meetin gs with a s ma ll group of conce rne d citi ze ns, r epresentin g r e li gi ous, f r a terna l, ci vic a nd busine ss or gan iz a tions. An ot her meeting is sche du le d f or e ar l y next week. In due co ur se , I sh a ll s ub mit to y ou t he name s and i den ti f y t he i nteres t s a nd c onne ct i ons of t h e p erson s sele ct e d . ~ in ce r ely y our s, f: /1(, ~ E. M. Laws 13 7 Gr i ff in St ., N. Atl ant a , Georgia v. �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 13

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_013.pdf
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  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 13
  • Text: - ---- ~----------~-- - --- - - - - ----- by James P. Comer e Social Power of the Negro ~---- Reprinted with J:!Frm 1ss1on. Copyright ~ 1967 by Scientific American, Jnc. All ri ghl reserved. l - i ( 'If I 20 �The concept of "black power" is an infl amm atory one. It was introduced in an atmosphere of militancy (during James Meredith's march through Mississippi last June) and in many quarters it has been equated with violence and riots. As a result the term distresses white friends of the Negro, frightens and angers others and causes many Negroes who are fearful of white disapproval to reject the concept without considering its rationale and its merits. The fact is th at a form of black power may be absolutely essential. The experience of Negro Americans, supported by numerous historical and psychological studies, suggests that the profound needs of the poorest and most alienated Negroes cannot be met-,-and that there can therefore be no end to racial unrest-except through the influence of a unified , organized Negro community with genuine political and economic power. Why are Negro effo rts to ach ieve greater unity and power considered unnecessary and even dangerous by so many people, Negro as well as white, friends as well as enemies? I believe it is because the functions of group power - and hence the consequences of political and economic impotence-are not understood by most Americans. The "melting pot" myth has obscured the critical role of group power in the adj ustment of white immi grant groups in this country. When immigrants were fa ced with discrimi nation, exploitation and abuse, they turned in on th emselves. Sustained psychologically by the bonds of their cultural heritage, they maintai ned family, religious, and social institutions that had great stabilizing force . The institutions in turn fostered group unity. Family stability and group unity-plus access to political machinery, jobs in industry and opportunities on the frontier- led to group power: immigrants voted, gained political influence, held public office, owned land and operated businesses. Group power and influence expanded individual opportunities and facilitated individual achievement, and within one or two generations most immigrants en joyed the benefits of firstclass American citizenship. The Negro experience has been very different. The traumatic effects of separation from Africa, slavery, and the denial of political and economic opportunities after the abolition of slavery created divisive psychological and social forces in the Negro community. Coordinated group action, which was certainly appropriate for a despised minority, has been too little evid ent; Negroes have seldom moved cohesively and effectively against discrim ination and exploitation. These abuses led to the creation of an impoverished , und ereducated, and al ienated group-a sizable minority among Negroes, disproportionately large compared with other ethnic groups. This troubled minority has a self-defeating "style" of li fe that leads to repeated fa ilure, and its plight and its reaction to that plight are at the core of the continuing racial conflict in the U.S. Only a mea ningful and powerful Negro community can help members of this group realize their potenti al, and thus alleviate racial unrest. The importance of "black power" becomes comprehensible in the light of the interrelation of disunity, impotence, and alienation. The roots of Negro division are of African origin. It is important to realize that the slave contingents brought out of Africa were not from a single ethnic group. They were from a nu mber of groups and from many different tribes with different languages, custom s, traditions , and ways of life. Some were farmers, some hunters and gatherers, some traders. There were old animosities, and these were exacerbated by the dynamics of the slave trade itself. (Today these same tribal animosities are evident, as in Nigeria, wh ere centuries-old conflict among the Ibo, Hausa, and Yoruba tribes threatens to disrupt the nation. A significant num ber of slaves came from these very tribes.) T he cohesive potential of the captives was low to begin with , a nd the breakup of kinship groupings, which in Africa had defined people's roles and rel ations, decreased it fu rther. Presu mably if the Africa ns had been settled in a free land , they would in time h ave organized to build a new society meeting their own needs. Instead they were organized to meet the needs of th eir masters. The sl aves were scattered in sm all groups (the average holding was only between two and five slaves) that were isol ated from one another. The small number and mixed origins of each plantation's slaves made the maintenance of any oral tradition, and thus of any tribal or racial identity and pride, impossible. Moreover, any group ing that was potentially cohesive because of family, kinship , or tribal con nections was deliberately divided or tightly controlled to prevent rebellion. Having absolute power, the master could buy and sell, could decree cohabitation, punishment or death, could provide food , shelter, and clothing as he saw fit. The system was engraved 21 �O -~~ "" • - ,-...._ I .·. I '...., _'f -~ - /)\ J I ' I .,--:.,~ J .! in law and maintained by the religious and political authorities and the armed forces; the high visibility of the slaves and the lack of places to hide made escape almost inconceivable. The powerless position of the slave was traumatic, as Stanley M. E lkins showed in his study of Negro slavery. The male was not the respected provider, the protector and head of his household. T he female was not rearing her child to take his place in a rewarding society, nor could she count on protection from her spouse or any responsible male. The reward for hard work was not material goods and the recognition of one's fellow men but only recognition from the master as a fa ithful but inferior being. The master - "the man"-became the necessary object of the slave's emotional investment, the person whose approval he needed. T he slave could love or hate or have ambivalent feelings about the relationship, but it was the most important relationship of his life. In this situation self-esteem depended on closeness or similarity to the master, not on personal or group power and achievement, and it was gained in ways that tended to divide the Negro pop ulation. H ouse slaves looked down on field hands, "mixedbloods" on "pure blacks," slaves with rich and important masters on slaves whose masters had less prestige. T here was cleavage between the " troublemakers" who promoted revolt and sabotage and the "good slaves" who betrayed them, and between slave Negroes and free ones. The development of positive identity as a Negro was scarcely possible. 22 It is often assumed that with the end of the Civil War the situation of the free Negroes was about the same as that of immigrants landing in America. In reality- it was quite different. Negroes emerging from slavery entered a society at a peak of racial antagonism. They had long since been stripped of their African heritage; in their years in America they had been unable to create much of a record of their own; they were deeply marked by the degrading experience of slavery. Most significant, they were denied the weapons they needed to become part of American life : economic and political opportunities. No longer of any value to their former masters, they were now direct competitors of the poor whites. The conditions of life imposed by the " Black codes" of the immediate postwar period were in many ways as harsh as slavery had been. In the first two years after the end of the war many Negroes suffered violence and death at the hands of unrestrained whites; there was starvation and extreme dislocation. In 1867 the Reconstruction Acts put the South under mil itary occupation and gave freedmen in the 11 Southern states the right to vote. (In the North, on the other hand, Negroes continued to be barred from the polls in all but nine states, either by specific racial qualifications or by prohibitive taxation. Until the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified in 1870, only some 5 per cent of the Northern Negroes could vote.) The Reconstruction Acts also provided some military and legal protection, educational opportunities, and health care. Reconstruction did not, however, make enough land available to Negroes to create an adequate power base. The plantation system meant that large numbers of Negroes· remained under tight control and were vulnerable ~ to economic reprisals. Although Ne. groes could outvote wh ites in some states and did in fact control the LouisiaDa and South Carolina legislatures, the franchise did not lead to real power. .This lack of power was largely due to the Negro's economic vulnerability, but the group divisions that had developed during slavery also played a part. It was the "mixed-bloods" and the house slaves of middle- and upperclass whites who had acquired some education and skills under slavery; now many of these people ·became Negro leaders. They often had emotional ties to whites and a need to please them, and they advanced the cause· of the Negroes as a group most gingerly. Moreover, not understanding the causes of the apathy, lack of achievement, and asocial behavior of some of their fellows, many of them found their Negro identity a source of shame rather than psychological support, and they were ready to subordinate the needs of the group to personal gains that would give them as much social and psychological distance from their people as possible. The result was that Negro leaders, with some notable exceptions, often became the tools of white leaders. Through out the Reconstruction period meaningful Negro power was being destroyed, and long before the last Negro disappeared from Southern legislatures Negroes were powerless. Under such circumstances Negro economic and educational progress was severely inhibited. Negro-owned businesses were largely dependent on the impoverished Negro community and were operated by people who had little education or experience and who found it difficult to secure financing; they could not compete with white businesses. Negroes were largely untrained for anything but farm labor or domestic �- -- - - -- - - - - -- -- -- - - - ~- - - - - - - - -- - - work, and a white social structure maintaining itself through physical force and economic exploitation was not likely to provide the necessary educational opportunities. Minimal fac ilities, personnel and funds were provided for the "Negro schools" that were established, and only the most talented Negroes were able-if they were luckyto obtain an education comparable to that available to whites. As John Hope Franklin describes it in R econstruction after the Civil War, the Reconstruction was ineffective for the vast majority of Negroes, and it lasted only a sh ort time: Federal troops had left most Southern states by 1870. While Negroes were still stru ggling for a first foothold, national political developments made it advisable to placate Southern leaders, and the Federal troops were recalled from the last three Southern states in 18 77 . There was a brief period of restraint, but it soon gave way to violence and terror on a large scale. Threats and violence drove Negroes away from the polls. Racist sheriffs, legislators, and judges came into offi ce. Segregation laws were passed, buttressed by cou rt decisions and law enforcement practices, and erected into an institution that rivaled slavery in its effectiveness in excluding Negroes from public affairs-business, the labor movement, government, and public education. 'At the time-and in later years-white people often pointed to the most depressed and unstable Negro and in effec t made his improvement in education and behavior a condition for the granti ng of equal opportunities to all Negroes . Wh at kind of people made up this most disadvantaged segment of the Negro- community? I believe it can be shown that these were the Negroes who had lived under the most traumatic and disorganized conditions as slaves. Family life had been prohibited , discouraged or allowed to exist only under precarious conditions, with no recourse fro m sa le, separation, or sexual violation. Some of these people had been treated as breeding stock or work animals; many had experienced brutal and sadistic physical and sexual assaults. In many cases the practice of reli gion was forbidden , so that even self-respect as "a child of God" was denied them. Except for running away (and more tried to escape than has generally been realized) th ere was nothing these slaves could do but adopt various defense mech ani sms. They respond ed in various ways, as is poignantly recorded in a collection of firstha nd accounts obtained by Benjamin A. Botkin. Many did as li ttle work as they could without being punished, thus developing work habits that were not conducive to success after slavery. Many sabotaged the master's tools and other property, thus evolving a disrespect for property in general. Some resorted to a massive· denial of the real ity of their lives and took refuge in apathy, thus creating the slow-moving, slow-thinking stereotype of the Southern Negro. Others resorted instead to boisterous "acting out" behavior and limited their interests to the fulfillment of such basic needs a~ food and sex. After slavery these patterns of be- - - --- ··1!"---.-_.._ ( 23 - �- - - - A, i havior persisted. The members of this severely traumatized group did not value family life. Moreover, for economic reasons and by force of custom the family often lacked a male head, or at least a legal husband and father. Among these people irresponsibil ity, poor work habits, disregard for conventional standards, and anger toward whites expressed in violence toward one another combined to form a way of life- a style-that caused them to be rejected and despised by whites and other Negroes alike. They were bound to fa il in the larger world. When they did fail, they turned in on their own subculture, which accordingly became self-reinforcing. Children born into it learned its way of life. Isolated and also insulated from outside influences, they had little opportun ity to change. The values, behavior patterns and sense of alienation transmitted within this segment of the population from generation to generation account for the bulk of the illegitimacy, crime, and other types of asocial behavior that are present in disproportionate amounts in the Negro community today. This troubled subgroup has· always been a minority, but its behavior constitutes many white people's concept of "typical" Negro behavior and even tarnishes the image many other Negroes have of themselves. Over the years defensive Negro leaders have regularly blamed the depressed subgroup for creating a bad image; the members of the subgroup have blamed the leaders for " selling out." There has been just enough truth in both accusations to keep them alive, accentuating division and perpetuating conflicts, and impeding the development of group consc'iousness, cooperation, power, and mutual gains. It is surprising, considering the h ar.s h 24 conditions of slavery, . that there were any Negroes who made a reasonable adjustment to freedom. Many h ad come from Africa with a set of values that included hard work and stability of fam ily and tribal life. (I suspect, but I have not been able to demonstrate, that in Africa many of these had been farmers rather than hunters and gatherers. ) As slaves many of them found the support and rewards required to maintain such values through their intense involvement in religion . From this group, after slavery, came the Godfearing, hardworking, law-abiding domestics and laborers who prepared their children for responsible living, in many cases making extreme personal sacrifices to send them to trade school or college. (The significance of this church-oriented background in motivating educational effort and success even today is indicated by some preliminary findings of a compensatory education program for which I am a consultant. Of 125 Negro students · picked for the program from 10 southeastern states solely on the basis of academic prom~ ise, 95 per cent have parents who are regular churchgoers, deeply involved as organizers and leaders in church affa irs. ) For a less religious group of Negroes the discovery of meaning, fulfillment, and a sense of worth lay in a different direction. Their creative talents brought recogniti'on in the arts, created the blues and jazz, and opened the entertainment industry to Negroes. Athletic excellence provided another kind of achievement. Slowly, from among the religious, the creative, and the athletic, a new, educated, and talented middle class began to emerge that had less need of white approval than the Negroes who had managed tq get ahead in earlier days. Large numbers of Ne- groes should have risen into the middle class by way of these relatively stable groups, but because of the lack of Negro political and economic power and the barriers of racial prejudice many could not. Those whose aspirations were frustrated often reacted destructively by turning to the depressed Negro subgroup and its way of life; the subculture of failure sh aped by slavery gained new recruits and was perpetuated by a white society's obstacles to acceptance and achievement. In the past 10 years or so the "Negro revolt"-the intensifi~d legal actions, nonviolent demonstrations, court decisions, and legislation-and changing economic conditions have brought rapid and significant ga ins for middleclass Negroes. The mass of low-income Negroes have made little progress however; many have been aroused by civil rights talk but few have benefited. Of all Negro families, 40 per cent are clas- , sified as "poor" according to Social Security Admi nistration criteria. (The figure for white families is 11 per cent.) Low-income Negroes have menial jobs or are unemployed; they live in segregated neighborhoods and are exploited by landlords and storekeepers; they are often the victims of crime and of the violent, displaced fr ustrations of their friends and neighbors. The urban riots of the past few years have been the reaction of a small segment of this population to the frustrations of its daily existence. �[' -- - ,,., ·_ ...; I· ,,i · lI ' I -.~.. f',..i , .;.;;_ , , • I -- - ' I _.,. l ,::>~-:: . '! .·· k.;.: ·_·~~:::.J'{ :·: . '~{ -'-!.,._'.,.:-.•:>:.-:,,•,.w.a. -··'-...,~ w~-------·'--'~· " ~ -----~ ....Ul,1 . .,:;'_ .l . Why is it that so many Negroes h ave been un able to take advantage of the Negro revolt as the immigrants did of opportunities offered them? The major reason is that the requirements for economic success have been ra ised. The virtuall y free land on the frontier is gone. T he unskilled and semisk ill ed jobs that were ava ilable to wh ite immigran ts are scarce today, and many unions controll ed by lower-middle-class wh ites bar Negroes to keep the jobs for their present members. The law does not help here because Negroes are underrepresented in municipal and state legislative bodies as well as in Congress. Negroes hold few pol icymaking positions in industry and Tegro small businesses are a negligible source of employment. Employment opportunities exist, of course- for highly skilled workers and technicians. Th ese jobs require education and training that many Negroes, along with many white workers, lack. The training takes time and requires motivation, and it must be based on satisfactory education through high school. Most poor Negroes lack that education , and many young Negroes are not getting it today. There are Negro childre n who are performing adequately in elementary school but who will fail by the time they reach high school, either because their schools are in adequate or because their homes and subculture will simply not sustain their efforts in later years. It is not enough to provide a "head start"; studies have sh own th at gains made as the result of the new preschool enrichment programs are lost, in most cases, by the third grade. Retraining programs for workers and programs for high school dropouts are palliative measures that have limited value. Some of the jobs for which people are being tra ined will not ex ist in a few years. Many stude nts drop out of the dropout progra ms. Other students have such self-defeat ing values and behavior that they wi ll not be employable even if they complete th e programs . A number of investigators (Daniel P. Moynihan is one) have po inted to the st ru cture of the poorer Negro fam il y as the key to Negro problems. They po int to a n important area but miss the cru x of the problem. Certa inly the lack of a stable family deprives many Negro ch ildren of psychological security and of the va lues and behavior patterns they need in order to achieve success. Certainly many low-income Negro fam ilies lack a father. Even if it were possible to legislate the father back into the home, however, the grim picture is unchanged if his own values and conduct are not compatible with achievement. A father frustrated by society often reacts by mistreating his ch ildren . Even adeq uate parents despair and are helpless in a subculture th at leads the ir children astray. The point of intervention must be the subculture that impinges on the family and in fl uences its values and style of behavior and even its structure. How, then, does one break the circle? Many white children who found their immigrant fam ily and subculture out of step with the dominant American culture and with their own desires were able to break away and establish a sense of belonging to a group outside their own-if the pull was strong enough . Some chi ldren in the depressed Negro group do this too. A specific pull is often needed: some individual or institution that sets a goal or acts as a model. The trouble is that racial prejudice and alienation from the white and Negro middle class often mean that there is little pull from the dominant culture on lower-class Negro children. In my work in schools in disadvantaged areas as a consultant from the Child Study Center at Yale I have found that many Negro children perceive the outside cul ture as a separate white man's world. Once they are 12 or 14 years old- the age at wh ich a firm sense of racial identity is established- many Negroes have a need to shut out the white man's world and its va lues and insti tutions and also to reject "wh ite Negroes," or the Negro middle class. Since these children see their problems as being rac ial ones, they are more likely to learn how to cope with these problems from a middle-class Negro who extends h imself than from a white person, no matter how honest and free of hostility and guilt the white person may be. 25 �r . I i ·1 () .-\ ·:: I ..·.. \ ' . ·-) _J \ I, I 'i\',\, , ; ' i t , f, t I ri·. • ~ • ., I ' ' ! • t f j, t I t I L- 26 ( ' I ,,' . Unfortunately the Negro community is not now set up to offer its disadvantaged members a set of standards and a psychological refuge in the way the white immigrant subcultures did . There is no Negro institution beyond the family that is enough in harmony with the total American culture to transmit its behavioral principles and is meaning ul enough to Negroes to effect adherence to those principles and sufficiently accepted by divergent elements of the Tegro community to act as a cohesive force. The church comes cl osest to performing th is function, but Negroes belong to an excep tional number of different denominations, and in many cases the denominations are divided and antagonistic. The same degree of division is found in the major fraternal and civic organizations and even in civil rights groups. There is a special reason for some of the sharp divisions in Negro organizations. With Negroes largely barred from business, politics and certain labor unions, the quest for power and leadersh ip in Negro organizations has been and continues to be particularly intense, and there is a great deal of conflict. Only a few Negroes have a broad enough view of the total society to be able to identify the real sources of their difficulties. And the wide divergence of their interests often makes it difficult for them to agree on a coursf; of action. All these factors make Negro groups vulnerable to divide-and-conquer tactics, either inadvertent or deliberate. Viewing such disarray, altruis ic white people and publ ic an private agencies have moved into the apparent vacuum-often failing to recognize that, in spite of conflict, existing Negro insti tutions were meeting important psychological needs and were in close �contact with their people. Using these meaningful institutions as vehicles for delivering new social services would have strengthened the only forces capable of supporting and organizing the Negro community. Instead, the new age ncies, public and private, have ignored the existi ng inst itutions and have tried to do the job themselves. The agencies often have storefro nt locations and hire some "indigenous" workers, but the cl ass and racial gap is difficult to cross. The thong-sandaled, long-haired white girl doing employment counseling may be friendly and sympathetic to Negroes, but she cannot possibly tell a Negro youngster (indeed, she does not know that she should tell him ) : "You've got to look better than the white applicant to get the job." Moreover, a disadvantaged Negro- or any Negro- repeatedly helped by powerful wh ite people while his own group appears powerless or unconcerned is unlikely to develop satisfactory feeli ngs about his group or himself. The effects of an undesirable racial self- concept among many Negroes have been documented repeatedly, yet many current programs tend to perpetuate this basic problem rather than to relieve it. A solution is suggested by the fact that this mech an ism Negroes who had many successful Negroes no longer feel achieved success cou ld come in contact the need to maintain psychological and with the large r Negro group. nstead social distance from their own people. of the policy king, pimp, and prostitute Many of them wa nt to help. Their pres- being the models of success in the subence and tangible involvement in the cul ture, the Negro ath lete, businessNegro comm unity would tend to bal- man, professional, and entertainer ance the pull-the comforts and the mi ght become the models once they immediate pleasures-of the subcul- could be respected because they were ture. Because the functions of Negro obviously workin g for the Negro comorganizations have been largely pre- munity. These leaders would then be empted by white agencies, however, in a pos ition to encourage and promote no Negro institution is available throu gh hi gh-level performance in school and which such people can work to over- on the job. At the same time broad come a cen tury of intra- egro cl ass measures to "institutional ize" the total alienation. Negro experience would increase raRecently a few Negroes have begun ci al pride, a powerfu l motivating force . to consider a plan that could meet some The entire program wou ld provide the of the practical needs, as well as the fo undat ion for unified politicai' action sp iritu al and psychological needs, of to give the Negro community reprethe Negro communi ty. In Cleveland, sentatives who speak in its best interNew York, Los An geles, and some ests. That, after all, has been the pattern smaller cities new leaders are emerging who prop ose to increase Negro co- in white America . There was, and still hesiveness and self-respect through self- is, Irish power, German, Polish, Ital ian, hel p enterprises: cooperatives that and . Jewish power-and in deed white would reconstruct slums or operate Anglo-Saxon Protestant power-but apa rtm ent buildings and businesses color obviously makes these groups providing goods and services at fa ir less clearly identifiable than Negroes . prices. Ideally these enterpr ises would Churches and synagogues, cultural and be owned by people wh o mean some- fratern al societies, unions, business asthing to the Negro com muni ty- Ne- sociations, and networks of allied famgro ath letes, entertain ers, artists, pro- ilies and "clans" have served as centers fessionals, and government workersof power that maintain group conand by Negro churches, fraternal sciousness, provide jobs and develop groups, and civil rights organ izations . new opportunities, and join to form The owners would share control of pressure and voting blocs. The "nathe enterprises with the people of_the tionality divisions" of the major parcommunity. ties and the balanced ticket are two Such undertakin gs would be far more reminders that immi grant loyalties are th an investment opportunities for well- still not completely melted. The idea of creating Negro enterto-do Negroes. With the proper structure they would become permanent and prises and institutions is not intend.::d rejection of genuinely concerned tangible institutions on which the Ne- as gro community could focus without white people or as an indictment of requiring a "white enemy" and into]~ all existing organizations. White peoerable conditions to unify it. Through ple of good will with interest, skills, a 27 �~------------__-_-_-.....-_ -_-_-- -------
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 26

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_026.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
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  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 26
  • Text: LAW OFF IC ES EDENFIELD , HEYMAN & SIZEMORE 310 HERM AN HEYMAN NE WE LL EDENFIELD L AMAR W. SIZEMORE ROBERT TER RY W. DAN FEDERAL BUILDI NG WI LLI AM F . BUCH ANAN OF COUNSEL G. Y OUNG June 27, 1967 P. McKENNA ROBERT WILLIAM FULTON ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30303 E . HICK S ARTHUR HEYM A N ( 1867- H,.51) H. MAJOR GREER MAUR ICE N . MALOOF JOSEP H LEF K OFF BENJ AM I N TELEPH ONE 521-2268 H. OEHLERT ID Mayor Ivan Allen City Hall Atlanta, G€ orgia 30303 Dear I van: I want to congratulate you on your refusal to obey .the demands made at the whim of the self-appointed Negro leader in the Kirkwood district, who claims to be a preacher, to wit, Hosea Williams. He has never been elected by the people to any office. You are the Mayor of Atlanta. If there is any discrepancy in street work, garbage collection, or sewage disposal you have the heads of departments whose duty it is to investigate these matters and in the proper time, correct them. When Hosea Williams refuses to show the heads of city departments the reasons behind his complaints he is acting in a highly capricious and dictorial manner . I phoned your office once before and requested that you be told that it was my opinion that you made a mistake every time you went to a Negr o mass meeting which is organized for the purpose of stating their wrath against the c ity government for any reason. Any citizen should know to go to . the City Hall to make his complaint and I think it humiliates you and your office when you go to a Negro YMCA, church, or school to talk to Negro or white people or Israeli, Arabs, or Egyptians about their dissatisfaction with the performance of some he ad of department in their community. You merely expose yourself to some smart-aleck Negro who gets up and makes a firey speech condemning y ou and the administration of the city government, and at such a meeting common sense and good judgment are thrown out the window. Ivan, I was raised on the other side of the tracks, with Negroes. I have known them for over seventy years. The more you give them, the more they demand. There is no end to their wanting. �Mayor Ivan Allen June 27, 1967 Page Two At one time they would ask, but now they simply demand or else threaten the government. The Police Department is organized to handle these young hoodlums, and it is a mistake for you to expose yourself to these organized riots. I once worked for the Sanitary Department; so did my father and my grandfather. Atlantal s Sanitary Department has continued, and today is giving the best service that Atlanta has received in my lifetime, and I wasn't born yesterday. With personal regards. WFB:ld �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 28

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_028.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 28
  • Text: r.J. •• .,.. ·... limitation i:han to !t c iack market distribuJp." l I r II I I 1· mvilllngness to heed warnings of some die medical profes_derscored for Hell·1, -w hen his own --' told him she t a l;fetime supply ~ceptives beiore his ".2me out, if it was .()mmend w:ithdraw·:n the market. . women are taking this country "bed.."'Illand for U is so their own doctors, profession in gen:ilOlv even the fed_nent do not dare to id the medication," ,-aid. Puerto Rico ,.'!Ss testing of the .! in Puerto Rico ., ·;cation of safety ·om tha t experi,. Jropo ut rate of i was more than ·t year, the mag·'.t, and no sys_·1p l3 possible. ' 'mcu.s, pill pioas saying, "Per,. 20 per cent of k" for followup. ~"t_ British Medical ··cit e&1imates that ·rmone contracept her risk of clot; There can be no ' 1ubt that some , omboembolic dis···.sociated with the ~ntraceptives, its , are impossible o reliable data •g disease and ·omen who don't ceptives. But the •.!S a number of .-.nose clinical experi.;~ces them or the r those on the Bos ton, (AP) -S tokely Carmichael led a ma rch th ro ugh the streets of Bos ton's heaviily Ne-. .g ro Roxbury section yesterday and told Negroes they mu s t take cont rol of the land and stores in their ar eas. "Vve will control things i-n our communiti es by an y means necessary, h e told · a r ally in Franklin Parle . "If h unky [the white m an] gets his store bombed out every Friday or Sat urday,' ' Car michael said, "he's going to have t o sell it to us ." He also told the crowd that the only way to stop "racis t aggression" by police "is by armed resistance." He did n ot elaborate but said, "as long as injustice prevails, there will be no peace." · Boston's Acting Mayor Barry T. Hynes had criticized Carm ichael's v isit, saying he "incites violence w:herever he goes" and warned that violence would not be tolerated. Roxbury was the scene of Negro rioting the weekend of J une 2-4. There was only one m inor incident yester
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 29

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_029.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 29
  • Text: June 26, 1967 Mr. Scott Nix.on SFC Building Augusta, Georgia 30902 Dear M r . Nixon : In reply to your kind letter of June 25th, I think. you put the cart befor the horse. The Negro citizen earned and deserved full American citizenship many years ago. The fact that he has been denied these rights and privileges through the years is the reason for our problems today. It is not going to be easy to correct the mi takes of the past hundred years, but some how or other. we will do it. Sincerely your , Ivan Allen, Jr. M yor JAJr/br �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 32

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_032.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 32
  • Text: Mr. C. L. Greene , Jr. City Services Coordinator Nash-Washingt on City Service Center Atlanta , Geor gi a June 13, 196 7 TO : Mr. Johnny H. Robirison FROM : C. L. Gr eene, J r. Met with Mrs . Mary L. Avery - 300 Sunse t Avenue , N. W. at 10 a . m. cussed City Service s and al s o Urban Renewal. Dis - Mr s . Avery was one of whom pose d questi ons, e t c. at Cosmopoli tan Church meeting June 6, 196 7. After our di scus sion she seems to be in a more r eceptive mood and has reques t ed my attendance at a meeting t o be he l d \,ednesday evening, June 28 , 1967 with Urban Renewal map for a more detailed study. She feel s the Iayor is sincere and was l aboring under a handic ap on June 6, 1967 due to the wide di verse opini ons . She further feels smc::. ller 111eetings would be an advantage where reasonableness , and calm mi ght pre vail. C. L. Greene, Jr . �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 36

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_036.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 36
  • Text: D R . A L B E RT MRS . M . D A VIS DR. C . MILES S MITH EU NI C E COOPER TREAS U RER SE C RET ARY PRESI D ENT ATL ANTA BRANCH NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE 859-1 / 2 HUNTER STREET, N . W . S UIT E 105 ATl.J\ N f -,_ ATLANTA, GEORGI A 30314 524-805 4 BRANCH N A 1~ C P Pc'lschal Motor Hotel Cit < de Housing Conferenc turday, February 11, 1967 RESOLUTION WHEREAS , it has been confirmed clearly by reports and cliscussions of con~ultants, c'lnd participants of this conxerence that existing housing in Metropolitan Atlanta, and future planning by private ancl governmental agencies is basically segregated, WH3REAS, Federal and other public funds are employe d in the develop- . ment of a major portion of such housing, and WHEREAS, The Atlanta Housing Authority and other authorities are in control of most of the residential rental units, WHEREl',S, There is no clearly state d public policy on housing bias by Atlanta and other municipalities BE IT RSSOLVED THAT, This Citywide Housing Conference of the NM C? request and call for the following to be implemented : 1. That the newly created mayor's Housing Resources Committee request the Atlantn Boa rd of Alderman to pass an "Open Housing Occupancy" Or d innnce. 2 . NAACP be directed to re-convene this conference in an ex panded manner within 30 days. 3 . Reque st thc1 t the Georgia Assembly pass a tax abatement l aw to p rovide mor e housing in the sta te of Georgia . 4. Requ e st Mayor a nd Board of Alder man to r e duce t erm o f Atlanta Hous ing Authorit y members f r om 10 yea rs to 5 yea r s a s in other cities of the country , and t o incr e as e the r epr e sent a tion of Negr oes on the authority. �Page 2 Citywi d e Housing Conference Atlanta Branch NAACP February 11, 1967 5. Request rezoining of eYcessive land for industrial use to residential. 6. Expansion of ·Community stabilization programs such as one by AFSC, with d irect help from city and county governments. 7. Request monthly report from Mayor's office on all programs and agencies dealing with housing. 8. Request information on current status of r2o d el Ci ties' program. 9. Request that citi z ens of all ethnic groups be includeo. in the planning and implementation of all housing and renewal programs. 10. Oppose the use of city, state and / or fe d eral fun d s for the perpetuation of segregation in housing. 11. Request Atlanta Housing Authority eliminate all patterns of segregation. a . Central app lica tion office for all p e ople. b. Elimination of segregation within each housing unit. 12. Request tha t a d c itiona l public housing construction sites includ e areas other than the Southwest and Northwest sections . �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 39

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_039.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 39
  • Text: EOWIN L. STERNE M. B. SATTERFIELD CHAIRMAN EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR ANO SECRETARY GEORGE S. CRAFT CARLTON GARRETT VICE CHAIRMAN DIRECTOR OF FINANCE J. B. BLAYTON GILBERT H. BOGGS DIRECTOR O F HOUSING JOHN 0. CHILES GEORGE R. SANDER FRANK G. ETHERIDGE TECHNICAL DIRECTOR 824 HURT BUILDING ATLANTA. GEORGIA 30303 JACKSON 3-6074 March 9, 1967 Office of the Mayor City Hall Atlanta, Georgia 30303 Attention: Captain G. A. Royal Dear Captain Royal: In accordance with your request of yesterday, I enclosing a copy of the report on the occurrence at Perry Homes about which you inquired. am Sincerely, H. Bog Director of Housing GHB :clm Enclosure �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 49

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_049.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 49
  • Text: March 3, 1967 Mr . Jesse Hill Atla.n ta Life Insurance Company P . O . Box 897 Atlanta. Georgia 30301 Dear Jes e : May I acknowledge receipt of your letter on behalf of the Atl nta Summit Leadership Conference regarding the four deaths in Perry Homes. A thorough investigation i being made ot this by the Atlanta Hou ing Authority, the insurance company, the Coroner, and the Atlanta Police Department. I will follow the investigation closely to its conclu ion, nd I am immediately a king for the report frotn the Atlanta Polle Dtpartment. Sincerely, Ivan Allen, Jr. IAJr: m �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 53

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_053.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 53
  • Text: COPY November 13, 1967 RES OLUTI ON ADOPTED AT !lASH- B S COORDI NATING COI, TTEE ETIUG On October 13, when May I van lien, J r ., accept ed t he lis t of namrs s recommended by Mr. E. M., Laws ~ for membershi p on t he ash- Bans Coordinat ing Committ ee ~ and desi gnated them as official r epresentati ves oft e sh- Bans Area , he made the followi ng stat ement : "Our number one goal is to make the Nash- ns Community a bet ter place in -,hioh t o live ., Now it is up t o all of us , the Committee and the Ci ty to work t ogether to see t hat , e achieve our purpose" 0 iJo development i n the area shall ke pl ace under the auspices of any department in the Ci ty Government without the delegat ed representatives of the Committee being br ought i nto a consultative r el ati onship with t e proposed de elopment in i t s initi al st ages . J MrQ Col lier B. Gladin, Director of Ci ty Planni M Depart ment, has r ecent ly employed a trai ned speciali st in Urban Development i n the person of Ir. Peter LaBree to make a study of the Nash- Bans Comm.unity in order to make a comprehens i ve survey and recommendations or t he over - all Urban Reneual Devel opments in th , on . I n view of the fact hat t he proposed recommendat ions of ~.tr . LaBri should be expected to include the location of the parks , pl ayg ounds and other r ecreat ional fac i liti es as r elat ed to schools , churches , and the resident ial areas , it would seem alt oget her appropriate that the Atlanta Board of Educat ion be requested to suspend any furth r developments in the area on t he Junior High School Compl ex, until the overall schedule for Urbo.n Renewal development of t1e Nash- Bans Community has been finalized . In consideration of the situation that i s descri bed n. ove , be i t resolved thnt a resoluti on bo adopted at this meeting and be fo~
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 73

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_073.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 73
  • Text: STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS EMERGENCY CONVOCATION: THE URBAN COALITION We are experiencing our third summer of widespread civil disorder. In 1965, it was Harlem, and the disaster of Watts. In 1966, it was the Hough area of Cleve land, Omaha, Atlanta, Dayton, San Francisco and 24 other cities. This summer, Newark and Detroit were only the most tragic of 8 0 explosions of violence in the streets . Confronted by these cata strophic eve nts, w e , as r e pres e ntative s of business, labor, religion, civil rights, and local government, have joined in this Convocation to create a sens e of national urgenc y on the need for positive action for all the pe ople of our c ities. We are united in the following convictions: W e b e lieve the tangible e ffe cts o f the urban riots in t e rms of d eath, i njury , a nd prope rty dama ge , horri f ying though the y are , are l es s to be feared than the intangible damage to men's minds. W e belie v e it is the gove rn ment' s d ut y to ma inta in l a w and ord er . W e bel ieve t hat o ur thoug hts a nd actions should b e direct e d I to the d eep-roote d and historic proble ms of the citie s. W e believe that w e; as a nation. , must c l earl y and positivel y demons t rate our belief t hat justice , social progress , and equality of opportunit y a re ri ght s of ever y c itize n . We believe the American peopl e and t he Congress mu st reorde r nationa l priorities , with a commitment of resources e qua l to the magnitude of the problems we face. The crisis requires a new dimension of effort in both the public and private sectors, working together to provide jobs, housing, �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES I GOALS• AND COMMITMENTS Page 2 education , and the other needs of our cities. We believe the Congress must move without delay on urban programs. The country can wait no longer for measures that have too long been denied the people of the cities and the nation as a whole--additional civil rights l egislation, adequately funded model cities, anti-poverty, housing, e duc a tion, and job- training programs, and a host of othe rs. W e believe the private sector of America must directly and v i gorously involve itse lf in the cris i s of the cities by a c ommitment to inve stme nt, job-training, and hiring, and all that is nece ssary to the full enjoyme nt of the free e nterprise system--and also to its survival. W e b e lie ve the sickne ss of the citie s , including civic dis order within the m, is the res ponsibility of the whole of Ame rica . There fore , it is t he re sponsibility of e v e r y Ame rican to join in the creation of a new p olitical, s oc i a l, e con o mic , a nd mora l c limat e tha t will ma ke p o s sible the breaking of the vi c·ious c yc l e of the g he tto. Effort s must( be mad e to i nsure the broa de st pos sibl e opportunity for P.ll c itizens a nd group s, i ncluding those in t he ghetto, to part ic i pat e fully in shaping and direct ing t he society of which the y are a part. This Conv oc ation calls upo n t he nation t o end once and for all the shame of poverty amid gene ral affl u e nce. Government and business mus t accept respons ibility to provide all Americans with opportunity to earn an adequate income. Private industry must greatly accelerate its efforts to �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 78

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_078.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 78
  • Text: • ' ,;,. _r Jo1·~ 1 ~~@~W Emory Universit Vol. 48, No. 8 Pcitie/6; }Jt. t. /(i1t9 lltte1td ~~e }Jteeti1t9 . CHANIN Dykes High School is located in northwest Atlanta at the corneli of Powers Ferry and Jett Roads across from Chastain Park. The fact of its location is insignificant as is the fact of its existence except that the institution serves to provide needed educational facilities to the immediate surrounding area. What is significant is the fact that few Negroes attend the school. Of course the reason for this is that very f ew Negroes live in the neighborhood serviced ,b y Dykes. Thus the imp'Ortant point is that very few Negroes live on the northside of Atla nta- in the social area known to r eaders of the hate sheet, the Northside News, as THE NORTHSIDE. Now it is not suggested that any person should particularly want to live in that area or to partake of its so-ca lled benefits : debutantes, snobbery and other pleasantries. But it is a very beautiful neighborhood with rolling lawns, la rge estat es, much green and, thanks to fine influence with the city, well-paved streets. In fact, the best possible in city services, in school, in all the things that go to make for gra-cious living are provided t'o the needy residehts living there. Need a t elephone installed, be right out, none of this cr ap about party-lines. Garbag e collect ed r egularly and streets, even the most out of the way ones, cleaned with little dela y. Yes, on the northside lives the wealth of Atlanta. The decision makers are there-the presidents of the companies, the senior partners ·o f the law firms, t h e doctors who claim that status brought by Piedmont Hospital. This is "Driving Club" land. And there are no Negroes. Read the social pag es of the Atlanta newspapers: no Negroes ever have parties, g et ma rried, or give •b irth to children. In fact n'One of this goes on a nywher e but the n orthside-if one trusts these newspaper s. Meanwhile the Biltmore Hotel was the host last week to the annual meeting o.f the .Southern Regional Council. At the banquet last Thursday t he people mixed-eolored and white, gentile and J ew. There were northsiders there. Seve ral weeks earlier the Regency Hot el was the site of the annual meet ing of t he S-outhern Christian Leadership Conference. Sidney Poitier, Mrs. Rosa Parks, and Dr . Marti n Luther Kin:g lead t he dignitaries. Mayor Allen was among t hem. And there were many northsiders t here. These annual meetings are important for two r easons. They indicate that there are those among the leadership of Atlanta who do not hold the normal views of the northside. These are the people who have been instrumental in developing the policies and pr ogr ams that have given Atlanta the progressive image that it has t oday and who have elected or seen to the elec- tion of the proper persons to carry out the policies and programs. The annual meetings also would indicate that the organizations sponsoring the meetings exist. The fact that the SRC and the SCLC still exis"; is a comment on our time. It is not that they should have been wiped out by W;ives of Southern bigotry, but that there is still a need for their continuation. The comment is this: 1) it has been 12 years since 1954 and the Brown decision; 2) it has been over 100 years since the end of the r evolt of the Southern states; 3) it has been almost 200 yea rs since these words were written"We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal. . . ." The facts are these: in Atlanta, schools a r e still segregated in fact; Negroes must live in one particular section 'Of town; no major law firm has yet to hire a Negro lawyer; no major company has hired Neg ro executives, the jobs left open to Negroes a re menial a nd low paying for the most part; no social club will accept Negroes as members; Negro neighborhoods are on the bottom in city services and assista nce pr ovided by private companies; schools in these neig hborhoods are the oldest and most crowded ; in the slums landlords and loan sharks prey upon the ignora nce created by white big otry and d·o so unregulated by the law; for the most pa rt pure racism governs the sale of houses and the r ental of apartments in the better areas of Atlanta preventing a Negro's moving there even if he wanted to and on and on and on. P erhaps this situation makes the point mor e clearly : in the Commerce Building , home of the organization that develo,p ed and stands for " For ward Atlanta"--the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, is locat ed the Commerce Club to which no Negro is welcome as a guest or member, not even the Assistant Secretary of Commer ce. Atlanta has begun to take the faltering steps to t reat all its citizens as the minimum demanded by huma n decency-a s human beings. Yet before the smugness settles too deeply in t hese homes on t he northside where not much is seen beyond the c·ount ry club, t hese people, who. see the resolut ion of the problems of Detroit and Los Angeles and New York and At lanta as better police protection, should recognize what lip service to progress really means. It means nothing. And to·o much depends on immediate action to be satisfied with it. The change that will come will not come overnight, but as one Southerner, Judge Wisdom of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, commented in the Jefferson County case: The clock has ticked the last t ick for tokenism and dela:>: in the na eed" �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 85

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_085.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 85
  • Text: From the desk of Cecil Alexander/ �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Complete Folder

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Complete Folder
  • Text: ADDRES S REPL Y T o ATLANT A . GA . 3030 1 N EW YOR K . N . Y . February 13, 1967 Mr . Jerom s. Har y TI Incorporated TIME & LIFE Building Rockefeller Center ew York ,. N York 10020 Dear Jerry: long It will be golfing we ther down this o start plans for return match. ay before Enclose· with thi lett r you will fin a pr se i sued on the ribbon cutting ay of Pa chals 1 rel mil l ion dollar motor hotel here in A'tl ant . This event ould not cont inn ap l to warrant a LIPE tory er it not for the f ct th t the und rtaking s conceiv d , finance. an completed by m r of the negro co unity hr in Atl nt. Negro b and in uranc companie put up the two million doll • ro archit eta and in rs tog th r ith a ro con truction comp y ut up th t.Jructur. ecor tor took over th fini h building and th roo , th night club , th ting f ciliti . • tc. Obviou ly, negro man g t ~ it. Atlant h · citi r th proven r individu of At.l t . a 1 der of l th r c r 1 tion. hich th or thr •r c cli t " �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES , GOALS , AND COMMIT:MENTS Page 3 recruit, train, and hire the hard-core une mployed. When the private sector is unable to provide e mployment to those who are both able and willing to work, then in a free society the government must of necessity assume the responsibility and act as the employer of last resort or must assure adequate income levels for thos e who are unable to work. Emergency Work Program This Convocation calls upon the Federal Government to develo p an emergency work program to provide jobs and new training opportunities for the unemployed and underemployed consiste nt with the following principles: - -The Federal Government must enlist the cooperation of government at all levels and of private industry to assure that meaningful, productive wor k i s available to ev eryone willing and able to work. --To create socially useful jobs1 the emergenc y work program shoul d c once ntrate on the huge bac klog of e mployme nt needs in park s, streets, sl urns, countrys :i::ie, schools, colleges , librarie s , a nd hospitals . To this end a n emerge ncy work progra m should b e initiated and should hav e as its first goa l putti ng at l e ast one mi llion of the presentl y unemployed i nto pr od ucti ve w ork at the e arlie st possibl e mo ment . --The progra m mus t provide meani ng ful jobs--not dead- e nd, make work proj ects--so t hat t he employment experi ence gained adds t o t he capa bilitie s and broadens the o pportu nities of the empl o yees t o become productive members of the permane nt wo rk force of our nation . �STATEMENT OF. PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS Page 4 --Basic education, training, and counseling must be an integral part of the program to assure extended opportunities for upward job mobility and to improve employee productivity. Funds for training, education, and counseling should be made available to private industry as well as to public and private nonprofit agencies. --Funds for employment should be made available to local and state governments, nonprofit institutions, and Federal agencies able to demonstrate their ability to use labor productively without reducing existing levels of employment or undercutting existing labor standards or wages which prevail for comparable work or services in the area but are not less than the Federal minimum wage. --Such a program should seek to qualify new employees to become part of the regular work force and that normal performance standards are met. --The operation of the program should be keyed to specific, localized unemployment problems and focused initially on those areas where the need is most apparent. Private Employment, Assistance and Investment ' All representatives of the private sector in this Urban Coalition decisively commit themselves to assist the deprived among us to achieve full participation in the economy as self-supporting citizens. We pledge full - scale private endeavor through creative job- training and employment , �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS Page 5 managerial assistance, and basic investment in all phases of urban developme;1t. The alternatives to a massive and concerted drive by the private sector are clear. They include the burden of wasted human and physical potential, the deterioration of the healthy environment basic to the successful operation of any business, and the dangers of permanent alienation from our society of millions of citizens. We propose to initiate an all-out attack on the unemployment problem through the following steps: --In cooperation with government, to move systematically and directly into the ghettos and barrios to seek out the unemployed and underemployed and enlist them in basic and positive private training and employment programs. We will re-evaluate our curre nt testing procedures and employment standards so as to modify or eliminate those practices and requirements that unnecessarily bar many persons from gainful employment by business or access to union membership. --To create a closer relationship between private employers and public training and emergency employment programs to widen career opportunities for our disadvantaged citizens. To this end, we will proceed immediate ly to promote "Earn and Learn Centers" in depressed urban areas that might well be the joint venture of business, labor and local government. - -To develop new training and related programs to facilitate the earl y entry of under- qualified persons into industrial and commercial employment. �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS v AND COMMITMENTS Page 6 --To develop large-scale programs to motivate the young to continue their education. Working closely with educators, we will redouble our efforts to provide part-time employment, training, and other incentives for young men and women. We also pledge our active support to making quality education readily accessible to deprived as well as advantaged young people . --To expand on-the-job training programs to enhance the career advancement prospects of all employees, with particular emphasis on those who now must work at the lowest level of job classifications because of educational and skill deficiencies. We pledge to mobilize the managerial resources and experience of the private sector in every way possible. We will expand part-time and fulltime assistance to small business development. We will strive to help residents of these areas both to raise their level of managerial know-how and to obtain private and public investment funds for development. We will work more closely with public agencies to assist in the management of public projects. We will encourage more leaders in the private sector to get directly and personally involved in urban problems so that they may gain a deeper understanding of these problems and be of greater assistance. We pledge our best efforts to develop means by which major private investment may be attracted to the renovation of deteriorating neighborhoods in our cities . We will expl ore and encourage governmental incentives to expedite private investment. We will develop new method s of combining �r: STATEMENT OF PRIN:::IPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS Page 7 investment and managerial assistance so that the residents may achieve a leadership position in the development of their areas. Housing, Reconstruction, and Education This Convocation calls upon the nation to take bold and immediate action to .fulfill the national need to provide "a decent home and a suitable living environment for every American family" with guarantees of equal access to all housing, new and existing. The Urban Coalition shall, as its next order of busines s, address its e lf to the development of a broad program of urban reconstruction and advocacy of appropriate public and private action to move toward these objective s, including the goal of r ehabilitation and construction of at least a million housing units for lowe r-income famili e s annually. This Convocation calls upon the nation to create e ducational programs tha t will e quip a ll young Ameri can s for full a nd productive participation in our socie ty to the full potential of the ir abilities. This will require c oncentrat e d compen satory programs to equalize opportunities for achieveme nt. Earl y c hild hood e ducation must b e ma d9 universal . W ork a nd s tudy programs must be gr eatl y expanded to enlist thos e young people w ho now drop out of school . Financial barri ers that now d e ny to youngste rs from l ow-income families the opportunity for highe r e duca tion must b e e liminate d. Curre nt programs must be increased sufficiently to wipe out adult illiteracy withi n five years. �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS Page 8 This Convocation calls upon local government, business, labor, religions, and civil rights groups to create counterpart local coalitions where they do not exist to support and supplement this declaration of principles. This Convocation calls upon all Americans to apply the same determination to these programs that they have to past emergencie s. We are confide nt that, given this commitment, our society h as the ingenuity to allocate its resources and devise the techniques necessary to rebuild cities and still meet our other national obligations without impairing our financial integrity. Out of past emergencies , w e ha ve drawn stre ngth and progress. Out of the present urban crisis we can build cities that are places, not of disorder and despair, but of hope and opportunity. The task we set for out- selves will not be ea sy, but the needs are massive and urgent, and the hour is late. We pledge ourselves to this goal for as long as it take s to accomplish it. W e ask the h e lp of the Congress and the Na tion. Thi s stat eme nt w a s unanimously a dopted by me mbe rs of the Steering C ommittee and the ir representatives at a meeting Wednesday , August 23, 19 67. Mr. Roy Ash and Mr. The odore Schlesinger were unabl e to attend or to b e represented. �/i4 I<~J/N "-- ~ )f~ ~ ~ \l-Pv MM 'U l ~IY/1 - tJ/vJ_ /:a !vf/; !VII A"i~ > -~IO wr - 5 I) J/Jr j ~ J ,, -' I"' g_/_tf__ l?L /-LL, l!id Mies i'tf,,. f- - llfl'l.. (Q.f (()/ t111t _IA_ /1..i.)N~ Mt1R1J_ I'/,;... ~4 l',f,,~_j N,c~ !If, IV!-/ /1/tss 1f1/r. �August 7 , 1967 Mr. Stanley Milton Tudor P . 0 . Box 93 Lo ell, Michigan Dear Mr . Tudor: I c rta.inly ppreciate your takin the tun to r ite me reg rding the recent CBS ne c ·st you w .o f bat ls oing on in Atlan • Regardle · of all you do and the sincere conc ern of all citizens , it i no Ill' nee that tl'ouble ill not occur. I am m t gr teful for your commendation of our efforts . Sincerely. Ivan Alle: , · Jr . Mayor IAJ'r:eo �/~ ,11-- 19 i t -n~ /~~#,~a.,xl(Jt ; ,,ei..u-t, 1J/ti, 1J/~ ~ Ml 1 J: Y, ,ft /4MJJa ~ ?if~Ad143.215.248.55'i'o/~ ,ad :J.# f,& ~ 4 ~ ~ }y._ ~ ~ ~ ~. ~ ~~.mtLd-~ .k.lf ~ t ~ ~ , z j - ~ ~ ~ -~ 4a-j~ ........,~~ . , ~a~- ~~ t ~~ an. o-td. ~ ( ~ ) ~ ~ ~ ~ ~a.:JJ~,.~ ~ ~,.9(J1?(.~a.~<'1' ~ 1 a,d~ -~ ~ a,Ma~ -~ ~ ~ rf/'~ ct,~ "ffi (/j~ , . .9Qwt. ,:dzlia. ~ - ~ ~ ~ ~ t $ - ~ .x ~ ~µJi-~ 143.215.248.55 - 143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)- a, /J?Ukd ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ a:t~ ~ AM-~~ ¥~ ~~ MN2 143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)H'--~~ en-143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST) 143.215.248.55 · ~~a~ ~ ~ ~foJ!clM..io143.215.248.55 a k ~ ~- ~~ _.g~ ~ 0~1- r/J~rY C/3 ~ , ? 7 / ~ �August 7, 1967 Mr . John T . William 34Z0 Sheridan Drive Durham, North Carolina Dear Mr. William : I certainly appreci te your taking the time to write me regarding the recent CBS new cast you a of bat is going on in Atlanta . Regardle of ll you do and the incere concern ·o f all citizen , it is no a .sur nee that trouble will not occur . I am mo t gr teful for your cOIDmendation of our efforts. Sincerely, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAJr: o �S-jlc:?tJ1)~~ 4~d+-/ J, C. 1 71-r,/f// ~~/ C ll_s ;t/dW-0 /AA,-l. ~0, ~ ~ l¼ .e_)~ f uJ-A-v.--1 ~ ~ ~ ~.dl. 7;;;,-~ K ~,.,;.._ J~ j ~ ~ ~ /},4-<- h¥u/Vlkj-_ ~ w-~,M~ ~. ~n,..,,~d,_£ ·~ r ~Jt_ 143.215.248.55 ~t1 ~ ~eVlL t;~ ~"r>v--,. _,_:_ _ ~() I )'d.u;... 7/1,vu../ r A?~~a 'lr 1 ~ ~ ~ ~. ~J-~ a~ ~ ,-~ ~ ~ A... . 143.215.248.55 ~d/ZL -J ~-::J~ ~ t11o hAJ 4, h.t-d ~ ~a----a ~ ~ -lf1~ 1 rr ~r4r3_ rad~~ J IL ~7 ~ ~ ;;;-/2/.-0 ~ ~ ~ d/,L. ~~1t-L143.215.248.551~ /4,,., ~ t A- ~ 7 foe r z;- IL vull~ ~ �J -W:11~ _z'i; bv~g-e. ~ ~,ff),,:j;:.:,.,_t.A 3/~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ ;¼:,, ~_:.,,_ ~j__ ~~ ~ ,fl,o .,._ ~ mv &J~ '1 ~,/UUL ~/Y)~ 1 d d;o r Fl--._~ P)Cd,,.,.r t.k ~ ~ ~ ~ cufu,, ~~,QM/U- ~~ h,,Lw-w,_ - & Ar ~ L'/4a} J &;_,__,/ ,~~ ~ /nh.-,/4,,,._ 1 ~ ~ .<'-'~h--~ z-~ ~! ...z:,; ~ ~ 1 r1-I~/ 6t..-- 4 ,t;._, ~ II - ~ h-- ~ ' y~u:: 4¢~....e ~~ z;-- 1/4~~ ~ ~.,;,__~ ~~ ~4~g ~ ' P / 4 , , . , ~ ~ -- ~JjnZo A-&~;!; ./.,kz; dwdl- ~ ~, 3 A~IL~J}di,P ~~+ 1121~/ ~ ~rr7~~r-~~ ,d~ ~/ Nd/ k ~ z-~~· r4r143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST), /l.M~/ JL7d~ �July zo . 19t>7 _ r. . L N. .D ar r . La I .. T a i . in fur er r ly to yo r lett r of .July l • apec:ifi~ Uy co c nu yo\P' p viou coTre a-d ence • ., Collier Gl din half of city i 1ft tio 1 i formatio you r quir t I cerely.• U cc: Cila i • Jr. i• �\ . July 19, 1967 · Mr . E . M . Laws 137 Griffin Street, N . W . Atlanta, Georgia Dear M r . L.aw : Thi will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July 18th regarding the Coordinating Commi ttee which you have organized and the future meetings with city officials . I ani asking M r. John Robinson of my taff to contact you regarding the plans that hould be made . It ould be helpful if you would give M r. Robinson a li t of the Na h - Bans Coordinating Committee . I arn king him to erve a my coordinator with your committee. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. M ayor lAJr/br CC: Mr. Dan Sweat Mr. John Robinson �July 19, 1967 MEMORANDUM TO: Mr . John Robins on FlO M : Mrs . Ann Mose~ Dear John: As you will recall, this is the Committee that the Mayor told Mr . Lawa to formulate at that meeting . I think it would b wi - e for you to go talk to him, get a list of the Committee and ome general topic they wish to discuss , and then let me know how you want to work out uch a meeting. Sincerely yours, Mrs . Ann Moses , Executive Secretary AM /br CC: Mr. Dan Sweat �July 18., 1967 Honerable Ivan Allen., Jro Mapr City Of Atlanta . City Hall 68 Mitchell street., SoV. Atlanta., Geet'fjla 3Q303, Deer Mayor Allan At a meeting held in the auditorium of the Gl'EA Bu!ldin§;--201 Ashby Street., N.v •., attended by fifty five citizens of the Nash.Bans Area., referemce was made to the fact that I., organizer of the Nash-Bans Coordinating COmmittee., had. written you two letters and have riot received a reply from elthero In one letter., an invitation was extended to yeu to appear before the ahwe named group for the purpose of describing in some detail, the manner and m.ent to which you wish the committee to cooperate and assist in the proposed Url:lan Rene:wal Development under consideration for the Nash~Bans Community. · The comnlttee represents every church ln the cotimunlty. Also, nery parent mese child is in attendance at EJ.. Ware., "English Avenus., or M.M. Betlmne Schools., is represented by the P.T .A. of each f the tbr8e Schools. In addition., Business, Fratemal, Civic and Professional Organizations are also represented. The purpose of this letter., however., ls focused on the future;. Therefore, we would appreciate a c~llllllUl:dcatlon from you indicating the earliest ~ssible date when you and other appropriate city officials C0Uld meet with this collllittee. A special meeting of the comaittee will be called i1111ediately upon receipt of a connmlt:atlon from y.u indicating your availabllf.ty to appear before lts maberso Respectfully yours., 1 EM1lkw rfjlf_. E. Mo ~ ws �Honorab le I van Allen, J r. Mayor Atlanta, Geor gia Dear .1ayor Allen: Th e du ties an d ob li gations a ssoci a te d with t h e closin g of shcool an d assisti n g in t h e Unite d Ne gro Colle ge Fun d Camp ai gn , a re my e xp lanations f or the del ay in f ormerl y acknowle dgin g my accep tance of the assi gnment y ou hav e me a t t he Cos mop olit an A. M. E. Ch urch , Tues day n i gh t, Jun e 6 , 196 7. Th is comes to in f orm y ou t h at I have a lre ady h a d t wo meetin gs with a s ma ll group of conce rne d citi ze ns, r epresentin g r e li gi ous, f r a terna l, ci vic a nd busine ss or gan iz a tions. An ot her meeting is sche du le d f or e ar l y next week. In due co ur se , I sh a ll s ub mit to y ou t he name s and i den ti f y t he i nteres t s a nd c onne ct i ons of t h e p erson s sele ct e d . ~ in ce r ely y our s, f: /1(, ~ E. M. Laws 13 7 Gr i ff in St ., N. Atl ant a , Georgia v. �- ---- ~----------~-- - --- - - - - ----- by James P. Comer e Social Power of the Negro ~---- Reprinted with J:!Frm 1ss1on. Copyright ~ 1967 by Scientific American, Jnc. All ri ghl reserved. l - i ( 'If I 20 �The concept of "black power" is an infl amm atory one. It was introduced in an atmosphere of militancy (during James Meredith's march through Mississippi last June) and in many quarters it has been equated with violence and riots. As a result the term distresses white friends of the Negro, frightens and angers others and causes many Negroes who are fearful of white disapproval to reject the concept without considering its rationale and its merits. The fact is th at a form of black power may be absolutely essential. The experience of Negro Americans, supported by numerous historical and psychological studies, suggests that the profound needs of the poorest and most alienated Negroes cannot be met-,-and that there can therefore be no end to racial unrest-except through the influence of a unified , organized Negro community with genuine political and economic power. Why are Negro effo rts to ach ieve greater unity and power considered unnecessary and even dangerous by so many people, Negro as well as white, friends as well as enemies? I believe it is because the functions of group power - and hence the consequences of political and economic impotence-are not understood by most Americans. The "melting pot" myth has obscured the critical role of group power in the adj ustment of white immi grant groups in this country. When immigrants were fa ced with discrimi nation, exploitation and abuse, they turned in on th emselves. Sustained psychologically by the bonds of their cultural heritage, they maintai ned family, religious, and social institutions that had great stabilizing force . The institutions in turn fostered group unity. Family stability and group unity-plus access to political machinery, jobs in industry and opportunities on the frontier- led to group power: immigrants voted, gained political influence, held public office, owned land and operated businesses. Group power and influence expanded individual opportunities and facilitated individual achievement, and within one or two generations most immigrants en joyed the benefits of firstclass American citizenship. The Negro experience has been very different. The traumatic effects of separation from Africa, slavery, and the denial of political and economic opportunities after the abolition of slavery created divisive psychological and social forces in the Negro community. Coordinated group action, which was certainly appropriate for a despised minority, has been too little evid ent; Negroes have seldom moved cohesively and effectively against discrim ination and exploitation. These abuses led to the creation of an impoverished , und ereducated, and al ienated group-a sizable minority among Negroes, disproportionately large compared with other ethnic groups. This troubled minority has a self-defeating "style" of li fe that leads to repeated fa ilure, and its plight and its reaction to that plight are at the core of the continuing racial conflict in the U.S. Only a mea ningful and powerful Negro community can help members of this group realize their potenti al, and thus alleviate racial unrest. The importance of "black power" becomes comprehensible in the light of the interrelation of disunity, impotence, and alienation. The roots of Negro division are of African origin. It is important to realize that the slave contingents brought out of Africa were not from a single ethnic group. They were from a nu mber of groups and from many different tribes with different languages, custom s, traditions , and ways of life. Some were farmers, some hunters and gatherers, some traders. There were old animosities, and these were exacerbated by the dynamics of the slave trade itself. (Today these same tribal animosities are evident, as in Nigeria, wh ere centuries-old conflict among the Ibo, Hausa, and Yoruba tribes threatens to disrupt the nation. A significant num ber of slaves came from these very tribes.) T he cohesive potential of the captives was low to begin with , a nd the breakup of kinship groupings, which in Africa had defined people's roles and rel ations, decreased it fu rther. Presu mably if the Africa ns had been settled in a free land , they would in time h ave organized to build a new society meeting their own needs. Instead they were organized to meet the needs of th eir masters. The sl aves were scattered in sm all groups (the average holding was only between two and five slaves) that were isol ated from one another. The small number and mixed origins of each plantation's slaves made the maintenance of any oral tradition, and thus of any tribal or racial identity and pride, impossible. Moreover, any group ing that was potentially cohesive because of family, kinship , or tribal con nections was deliberately divided or tightly controlled to prevent rebellion. Having absolute power, the master could buy and sell, could decree cohabitation, punishment or death, could provide food , shelter, and clothing as he saw fit. The system was engraved 21 �O -~~ "" • - ,-...._ I .·. I '...., _'f -~ - /)\ J I ' I .,--:.,~ J .! in law and maintained by the religious and political authorities and the armed forces; the high visibility of the slaves and the lack of places to hide made escape almost inconceivable. The powerless position of the slave was traumatic, as Stanley M. E lkins showed in his study of Negro slavery. The male was not the respected provider, the protector and head of his household. T he female was not rearing her child to take his place in a rewarding society, nor could she count on protection from her spouse or any responsible male. The reward for hard work was not material goods and the recognition of one's fellow men but only recognition from the master as a fa ithful but inferior being. The master - "the man"-became the necessary object of the slave's emotional investment, the person whose approval he needed. T he slave could love or hate or have ambivalent feelings about the relationship, but it was the most important relationship of his life. In this situation self-esteem depended on closeness or similarity to the master, not on personal or group power and achievement, and it was gained in ways that tended to divide the Negro pop ulation. H ouse slaves looked down on field hands, "mixedbloods" on "pure blacks," slaves with rich and important masters on slaves whose masters had less prestige. T here was cleavage between the " troublemakers" who promoted revolt and sabotage and the "good slaves" who betrayed them, and between slave Negroes and free ones. The development of positive identity as a Negro was scarcely possible. 22 It is often assumed that with the end of the Civil War the situation of the free Negroes was about the same as that of immigrants landing in America. In reality- it was quite different. Negroes emerging from slavery entered a society at a peak of racial antagonism. They had long since been stripped of their African heritage; in their years in America they had been unable to create much of a record of their own; they were deeply marked by the degrading experience of slavery. Most significant, they were denied the weapons they needed to become part of American life : economic and political opportunities. No longer of any value to their former masters, they were now direct competitors of the poor whites. The conditions of life imposed by the " Black codes" of the immediate postwar period were in many ways as harsh as slavery had been. In the first two years after the end of the war many Negroes suffered violence and death at the hands of unrestrained whites; there was starvation and extreme dislocation. In 1867 the Reconstruction Acts put the South under mil itary occupation and gave freedmen in the 11 Southern states the right to vote. (In the North, on the other hand, Negroes continued to be barred from the polls in all but nine states, either by specific racial qualifications or by prohibitive taxation. Until the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified in 1870, only some 5 per cent of the Northern Negroes could vote.) The Reconstruction Acts also provided some military and legal protection, educational opportunities, and health care. Reconstruction did not, however, make enough land available to Negroes to create an adequate power base. The plantation system meant that large numbers of Negroes· remained under tight control and were vulnerable ~ to economic reprisals. Although Ne. groes could outvote wh ites in some states and did in fact control the LouisiaDa and South Carolina legislatures, the franchise did not lead to real power. .This lack of power was largely due to the Negro's economic vulnerability, but the group divisions that had developed during slavery also played a part. It was the "mixed-bloods" and the house slaves of middle- and upperclass whites who had acquired some education and skills under slavery; now many of these people ·became Negro leaders. They often had emotional ties to whites and a need to please them, and they advanced the cause· of the Negroes as a group most gingerly. Moreover, not understanding the causes of the apathy, lack of achievement, and asocial behavior of some of their fellows, many of them found their Negro identity a source of shame rather than psychological support, and they were ready to subordinate the needs of the group to personal gains that would give them as much social and psychological distance from their people as possible. The result was that Negro leaders, with some notable exceptions, often became the tools of white leaders. Through out the Reconstruction period meaningful Negro power was being destroyed, and long before the last Negro disappeared from Southern legislatures Negroes were powerless. Under such circumstances Negro economic and educational progress was severely inhibited. Negro-owned businesses were largely dependent on the impoverished Negro community and were operated by people who had little education or experience and who found it difficult to secure financing; they could not compete with white businesses. Negroes were largely untrained for anything but farm labor or domestic �- -- - - -- - - - - -- -- -- - - - ~- - - - - - - - -- - - work, and a white social structure maintaining itself through physical force and economic exploitation was not likely to provide the necessary educational opportunities. Minimal fac ilities, personnel and funds were provided for the "Negro schools" that were established, and only the most talented Negroes were able-if they were luckyto obtain an education comparable to that available to whites. As John Hope Franklin describes it in R econstruction after the Civil War, the Reconstruction was ineffective for the vast majority of Negroes, and it lasted only a sh ort time: Federal troops had left most Southern states by 1870. While Negroes were still stru ggling for a first foothold, national political developments made it advisable to placate Southern leaders, and the Federal troops were recalled from the last three Southern states in 18 77 . There was a brief period of restraint, but it soon gave way to violence and terror on a large scale. Threats and violence drove Negroes away from the polls. Racist sheriffs, legislators, and judges came into offi ce. Segregation laws were passed, buttressed by cou rt decisions and law enforcement practices, and erected into an institution that rivaled slavery in its effectiveness in excluding Negroes from public affairs-business, the labor movement, government, and public education. 'At the time-and in later years-white people often pointed to the most depressed and unstable Negro and in effec t made his improvement in education and behavior a condition for the granti ng of equal opportunities to all Negroes . Wh at kind of people made up this most disadvantaged segment of the Negro- community? I believe it can be shown that these were the Negroes who had lived under the most traumatic and disorganized conditions as slaves. Family life had been prohibited , discouraged or allowed to exist only under precarious conditions, with no recourse fro m sa le, separation, or sexual violation. Some of these people had been treated as breeding stock or work animals; many had experienced brutal and sadistic physical and sexual assaults. In many cases the practice of reli gion was forbidden , so that even self-respect as "a child of God" was denied them. Except for running away (and more tried to escape than has generally been realized) th ere was nothing these slaves could do but adopt various defense mech ani sms. They respond ed in various ways, as is poignantly recorded in a collection of firstha nd accounts obtained by Benjamin A. Botkin. Many did as li ttle work as they could without being punished, thus developing work habits that were not conducive to success after slavery. Many sabotaged the master's tools and other property, thus evolving a disrespect for property in general. Some resorted to a massive· denial of the real ity of their lives and took refuge in apathy, thus creating the slow-moving, slow-thinking stereotype of the Southern Negro. Others resorted instead to boisterous "acting out" behavior and limited their interests to the fulfillment of such basic needs a~ food and sex. After slavery these patterns of be- - - --- ··1!"---.-_.._ ( 23 - �- - - - A, i havior persisted. The members of this severely traumatized group did not value family life. Moreover, for economic reasons and by force of custom the family often lacked a male head, or at least a legal husband and father. Among these people irresponsibil ity, poor work habits, disregard for conventional standards, and anger toward whites expressed in violence toward one another combined to form a way of life- a style-that caused them to be rejected and despised by whites and other Negroes alike. They were bound to fa il in the larger world. When they did fail, they turned in on their own subculture, which accordingly became self-reinforcing. Children born into it learned its way of life. Isolated and also insulated from outside influences, they had little opportun ity to change. The values, behavior patterns and sense of alienation transmitted within this segment of the population from generation to generation account for the bulk of the illegitimacy, crime, and other types of asocial behavior that are present in disproportionate amounts in the Negro community today. This troubled subgroup has· always been a minority, but its behavior constitutes many white people's concept of "typical" Negro behavior and even tarnishes the image many other Negroes have of themselves. Over the years defensive Negro leaders have regularly blamed the depressed subgroup for creating a bad image; the members of the subgroup have blamed the leaders for " selling out." There has been just enough truth in both accusations to keep them alive, accentuating division and perpetuating conflicts, and impeding the development of group consc'iousness, cooperation, power, and mutual gains. It is surprising, considering the h ar.s h 24 conditions of slavery, . that there were any Negroes who made a reasonable adjustment to freedom. Many h ad come from Africa with a set of values that included hard work and stability of fam ily and tribal life. (I suspect, but I have not been able to demonstrate, that in Africa many of these had been farmers rather than hunters and gatherers. ) As slaves many of them found the support and rewards required to maintain such values through their intense involvement in religion . From this group, after slavery, came the Godfearing, hardworking, law-abiding domestics and laborers who prepared their children for responsible living, in many cases making extreme personal sacrifices to send them to trade school or college. (The significance of this church-oriented background in motivating educational effort and success even today is indicated by some preliminary findings of a compensatory education program for which I am a consultant. Of 125 Negro students · picked for the program from 10 southeastern states solely on the basis of academic prom~ ise, 95 per cent have parents who are regular churchgoers, deeply involved as organizers and leaders in church affa irs. ) For a less religious group of Negroes the discovery of meaning, fulfillment, and a sense of worth lay in a different direction. Their creative talents brought recogniti'on in the arts, created the blues and jazz, and opened the entertainment industry to Negroes. Athletic excellence provided another kind of achievement. Slowly, from among the religious, the creative, and the athletic, a new, educated, and talented middle class began to emerge that had less need of white approval than the Negroes who had managed tq get ahead in earlier days. Large numbers of Ne- groes should have risen into the middle class by way of these relatively stable groups, but because of the lack of Negro political and economic power and the barriers of racial prejudice many could not. Those whose aspirations were frustrated often reacted destructively by turning to the depressed Negro subgroup and its way of life; the subculture of failure sh aped by slavery gained new recruits and was perpetuated by a white society's obstacles to acceptance and achievement. In the past 10 years or so the "Negro revolt"-the intensifi~d legal actions, nonviolent demonstrations, court decisions, and legislation-and changing economic conditions have brought rapid and significant ga ins for middleclass Negroes. The mass of low-income Negroes have made little progress however; many have been aroused by civil rights talk but few have benefited. Of all Negro families, 40 per cent are clas- , sified as "poor" according to Social Security Admi nistration criteria. (The figure for white families is 11 per cent.) Low-income Negroes have menial jobs or are unemployed; they live in segregated neighborhoods and are exploited by landlords and storekeepers; they are often the victims of crime and of the violent, displaced fr ustrations of their friends and neighbors. The urban riots of the past few years have been the reaction of a small segment of this population to the frustrations of its daily existence. �[' -- - ,,., ·_ ...; I· ,,i · lI ' I -.~.. f',..i , .;.;;_ , , • I -- - ' I _.,. l ,::>~-:: . '! .·· k.;.: ·_·~~:::.J'{ :·: . '~{ -'-!.,._'.,.:-.•:>:.-:,,•,.w.a. -··'-...,~ w~-------·'--'~· " ~ -----~ ....Ul,1 . .,:;'_ .l . Why is it that so many Negroes h ave been un able to take advantage of the Negro revolt as the immigrants did of opportunities offered them? The major reason is that the requirements for economic success have been ra ised. The virtuall y free land on the frontier is gone. T he unskilled and semisk ill ed jobs that were ava ilable to wh ite immigran ts are scarce today, and many unions controll ed by lower-middle-class wh ites bar Negroes to keep the jobs for their present members. The law does not help here because Negroes are underrepresented in municipal and state legislative bodies as well as in Congress. Negroes hold few pol icymaking positions in industry and Tegro small businesses are a negligible source of employment. Employment opportunities exist, of course- for highly skilled workers and technicians. Th ese jobs require education and training that many Negroes, along with many white workers, lack. The training takes time and requires motivation, and it must be based on satisfactory education through high school. Most poor Negroes lack that education , and many young Negroes are not getting it today. There are Negro childre n who are performing adequately in elementary school but who will fail by the time they reach high school, either because their schools are in adequate or because their homes and subculture will simply not sustain their efforts in later years. It is not enough to provide a "head start"; studies have sh own th at gains made as the result of the new preschool enrichment programs are lost, in most cases, by the third grade. Retraining programs for workers and programs for high school dropouts are palliative measures that have limited value. Some of the jobs for which people are being tra ined will not ex ist in a few years. Many stude nts drop out of the dropout progra ms. Other students have such self-defeat ing values and behavior that they wi ll not be employable even if they complete th e programs . A number of investigators (Daniel P. Moynihan is one) have po inted to the st ru cture of the poorer Negro fam il y as the key to Negro problems. They po int to a n important area but miss the cru x of the problem. Certa inly the lack of a stable family deprives many Negro ch ildren of psychological security and of the va lues and behavior patterns they need in order to achieve success. Certainly many low-income Negro fam ilies lack a father. Even if it were possible to legislate the father back into the home, however, the grim picture is unchanged if his own values and conduct are not compatible with achievement. A father frustrated by society often reacts by mistreating his ch ildren . Even adeq uate parents despair and are helpless in a subculture th at leads the ir children astray. The point of intervention must be the subculture that impinges on the family and in fl uences its values and style of behavior and even its structure. How, then, does one break the circle? Many white children who found their immigrant fam ily and subculture out of step with the dominant American culture and with their own desires were able to break away and establish a sense of belonging to a group outside their own-if the pull was strong enough . Some chi ldren in the depressed Negro group do this too. A specific pull is often needed: some individual or institution that sets a goal or acts as a model. The trouble is that racial prejudice and alienation from the white and Negro middle class often mean that there is little pull from the dominant culture on lower-class Negro children. In my work in schools in disadvantaged areas as a consultant from the Child Study Center at Yale I have found that many Negro children perceive the outside cul ture as a separate white man's world. Once they are 12 or 14 years old- the age at wh ich a firm sense of racial identity is established- many Negroes have a need to shut out the white man's world and its va lues and insti tutions and also to reject "wh ite Negroes," or the Negro middle class. Since these children see their problems as being rac ial ones, they are more likely to learn how to cope with these problems from a middle-class Negro who extends h imself than from a white person, no matter how honest and free of hostility and guilt the white person may be. 25 �r . I i ·1 () .-\ ·:: I ..·.. \ ' . ·-) _J \ I, I 'i\',\, , ; ' i t , f, t I ri·. • ~ • ., I ' ' ! • t f j, t I t I L- 26 ( ' I ,,' . Unfortunately the Negro community is not now set up to offer its disadvantaged members a set of standards and a psychological refuge in the way the white immigrant subcultures did . There is no Negro institution beyond the family that is enough in harmony with the total American culture to transmit its behavioral principles and is meaning ul enough to Negroes to effect adherence to those principles and sufficiently accepted by divergent elements of the Tegro community to act as a cohesive force. The church comes cl osest to performing th is function, but Negroes belong to an excep tional number of different denominations, and in many cases the denominations are divided and antagonistic. The same degree of division is found in the major fraternal and civic organizations and even in civil rights groups. There is a special reason for some of the sharp divisions in Negro organizations. With Negroes largely barred from business, politics and certain labor unions, the quest for power and leadersh ip in Negro organizations has been and continues to be particularly intense, and there is a great deal of conflict. Only a few Negroes have a broad enough view of the total society to be able to identify the real sources of their difficulties. And the wide divergence of their interests often makes it difficult for them to agree on a coursf; of action. All these factors make Negro groups vulnerable to divide-and-conquer tactics, either inadvertent or deliberate. Viewing such disarray, altruis ic white people and publ ic an private agencies have moved into the apparent vacuum-often failing to recognize that, in spite of conflict, existing Negro insti tutions were meeting important psychological needs and were in close �contact with their people. Using these meaningful institutions as vehicles for delivering new social services would have strengthened the only forces capable of supporting and organizing the Negro community. Instead, the new age ncies, public and private, have ignored the existi ng inst itutions and have tried to do the job themselves. The agencies often have storefro nt locations and hire some "indigenous" workers, but the cl ass and racial gap is difficult to cross. The thong-sandaled, long-haired white girl doing employment counseling may be friendly and sympathetic to Negroes, but she cannot possibly tell a Negro youngster (indeed, she does not know that she should tell him ) : "You've got to look better than the white applicant to get the job." Moreover, a disadvantaged Negro- or any Negro- repeatedly helped by powerful wh ite people while his own group appears powerless or unconcerned is unlikely to develop satisfactory feeli ngs about his group or himself. The effects of an undesirable racial self- concept among many Negroes have been documented repeatedly, yet many current programs tend to perpetuate this basic problem rather than to relieve it. A solution is suggested by the fact that this mech an ism Negroes who had many successful Negroes no longer feel achieved success cou ld come in contact the need to maintain psychological and with the large r Negro group. nstead social distance from their own people. of the policy king, pimp, and prostitute Many of them wa nt to help. Their pres- being the models of success in the subence and tangible involvement in the cul ture, the Negro ath lete, businessNegro comm unity would tend to bal- man, professional, and entertainer ance the pull-the comforts and the mi ght become the models once they immediate pleasures-of the subcul- could be respected because they were ture. Because the functions of Negro obviously workin g for the Negro comorganizations have been largely pre- munity. These leaders would then be empted by white agencies, however, in a pos ition to encourage and promote no Negro institution is available throu gh hi gh-level performance in school and which such people can work to over- on the job. At the same time broad come a cen tury of intra- egro cl ass measures to "institutional ize" the total alienation. Negro experience would increase raRecently a few Negroes have begun ci al pride, a powerfu l motivating force . to consider a plan that could meet some The entire program wou ld provide the of the practical needs, as well as the fo undat ion for unified politicai' action sp iritu al and psychological needs, of to give the Negro community reprethe Negro communi ty. In Cleveland, sentatives who speak in its best interNew York, Los An geles, and some ests. That, after all, has been the pattern smaller cities new leaders are emerging who prop ose to increase Negro co- in white America . There was, and still hesiveness and self-respect through self- is, Irish power, German, Polish, Ital ian, hel p enterprises: cooperatives that and . Jewish power-and in deed white would reconstruct slums or operate Anglo-Saxon Protestant power-but apa rtm ent buildings and businesses color obviously makes these groups providing goods and services at fa ir less clearly identifiable than Negroes . prices. Ideally these enterpr ises would Churches and synagogues, cultural and be owned by people wh o mean some- fratern al societies, unions, business asthing to the Negro com muni ty- Ne- sociations, and networks of allied famgro ath letes, entertain ers, artists, pro- ilies and "clans" have served as centers fessionals, and government workersof power that maintain group conand by Negro churches, fraternal sciousness, provide jobs and develop groups, and civil rights organ izations . new opportunities, and join to form The owners would share control of pressure and voting blocs. The "nathe enterprises with the people of_the tionality divisions" of the major parcommunity. ties and the balanced ticket are two Such undertakin gs would be far more reminders that immi grant loyalties are th an investment opportunities for well- still not completely melted. The idea of creating Negro enterto-do Negroes. With the proper structure they would become permanent and prises and institutions is not intend.::d rejection of genuinely concerned tangible institutions on which the Ne- as gro community could focus without white people or as an indictment of requiring a "white enemy" and into]~ all existing organizations. White peoerable conditions to unify it. Through ple of good will with interest, skills, a 27 �~------------__-_-_-.....-_ -_-_-- -------a+pnffl? "Pu ... in a buzv•r" I was ... old. "Call ...h,.. Polioe"- I wa o... me • Col+ - 32. I couldn ' ... wa+ a fly bu+ I oould LOVP. and kiSS fl!l S .a.old? I 'm ... o+ in ' a ess up wild dog • �-,- July ll, 1967 Miss Estelle Strauss 1237 Poplar Grove Drive, N. E. Atlanta, Georgia 30306 Dear M iss Strauss: This will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July 10th and the copy of your letter to Sena.tor Russell. I certainly appreciate receiving your views and your generous comm.ents. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAJr/br �I /2.Jl 'foplrut y.t10ve 01U..Ve, N.c. At1mt.ta; qeo~ J'.}P, sena:f.ott 7U.chm,d f1 .i.n."4 tUi.J.l. b pi..cAt,bd arJ. hofO>ll..l., ) Mu:J:. ,o / e ~ Q l t one(/)~11.£ wi.iA 40J.efv. M rmIMDV, • TA ilwwt of. ilt.U . up u ilw:t a UkJa:11\ M « .~ auo he ~r,u.cu. mUA Ao am. aag ..Upulat I> tit o ~ 71u-, UUIIP.ITLI - tv,~ di i.n.timl.d.all.., ~ ~ ' - ' ~ QW I I, hJUlt9 hacA fa/1.o. t,oe,t; Gd and. .I.Jllplg~ , io ~ ~IM,. Jn. a /Jr.u.. oww. TA o,ndJ.:tl.o,w ~ o/. M fL- and. u «ceMA.U lt!J tU ~ alx,ut.. J.n./o J./ e all• �1.aM ( /01.e.A0,4 d.ai.e, 011. loool,) i.o p;wi.ed :tJi.e .i.nd.ependw. rrwu:1i.ard pt.om .tlti.A :type o{. peMecui:i.on.. t1b.di o/ J.h.eoe [Jt./4i.n.eMM a11e no.t i.n. a po4JU.i.on. io OJmpi.g, w.Wt 4uch. old:Atz!)wU4 d.etl¥1l11U, All. o/ Ud I Colored f'copl e nnd the Urban Lc1t.c:ne hns Oopp<'d bndly In It s ntm or get tlni; Negroes Cf:w?'°J:;~ ~~o J;143.215.248.55n L !~:~csd it:143.215.248.55r.E ~:143.215.248.55\ Jn t he position o f p r epnrlng peopl e l o b e put on 11ht lve-,." With thlll failure, t he NAACP and Ur b11n LM,rue tlropped nnothe r notch In the e s teem of C levefa.nd".!! N e,;roe11. A ccording to one dvll right.-, i;pccla lls l, "The NAACP couldn "t mobilize & picket li ne of 1 0 pe ople no w ... at !:: 11.Negro H,u·ll'll .Jnnr11 a lso believes Negroes s hould crowd Into n /!ln,:-Le i;r?UP Cor ··p,oUUea.1 pur• l)OIIC"· He pln11" to 11tnke out on his own thi s month to or,::-:inl;:e such n group. Whlt P. Or:.::01117. ln g An nr·_i::ru1i 7,i11;; drive nmong whites 13 b eing pln.nnf'd h_y Rnbf'>"l Annnblc. c hnirman of the Cl e vrlnnd ,hn.1 he nd or the North Amerl· crrn A IU,~ncc of White People. Mr. Annable. who bPl u.•i·r.q thnt N 1cgrocs al"e '"eullurnlly and ~et{:~c~;\;? \~~:~~l~-.;,,~:~~,-~:~:1ch..o l;~:f1d143.215.248.55 1e hltc C1 t1;:,cn3 Co u ncil of O hto. s ubi1crlbl'l! tn m:iny o f Ur. Annab1e·11 beliefs and 11.reo J>lnn ., rnlll r a. The 11.pecla l targets o r a ll these racln\ organl7.el"I;. whe t her they admit it or 11ot, nre the young11!cn, of lhls "' city of n;tllon,..•• mos t ot whom live In neig hborhoods that sre s harply O{ community a nd the police arc 143.215.248.55l~~g;_11~i,.:;o~~-/ ~:l~~;~l!ry At~a~·=~- a~;::::: by ~ar;~~njoj:cr~ :., ~e~::;in~ci;ur~d ~~tl~~:~ _!:,a•:,,_iargc ly Pol111h, Hough large ly j'l"egro, and 11ummer·11 rloUi , but n e ver Indic ted. and who now work8 a.11 & building mainte nance m a n In Houg h e ssesses the curr e nt mood of the ,!;h<'lto 11.11 • worse th:nl'y l'rohlf' m " But t11l this cos t, mone y, nnd the mayor 1s h:,.vl n g h is troubl es ·o n t hat score. Vote rs de· r eat cd n. city tncomo t ax ln 106:1. Lai;t y ear the cll y coun cil cnncled IL. lax to be e ffective this pas t Jnn. 1. b ut d isgruntled citizens have ~~tr;:~!1~!~~ buri;h. 'lho Oullnw:o. "- Clevela11d m otor cyc le club. Is 1·epn1·t~d Loylng pl:1ns t<> lllta.ck the C h r.c kl'rcd Chc ru h.s, fl Negro motor cycle c lub. The United Bln c k Brotherhood. who.<:e ,;t~on.i;-_h1,:-.:-r J OOJ!t/f R:.-po.-,~.ST. LOUIS _ J nte rco Inc. l!lho r e holders cle11red the WAY for further dtversltlca.Uon of the compa ny by vo un,.- to lncrea11e a.uthorh:ed commo n b y fou r million llhllr .,s. n n d the exist• tni; pz·e(crr e d by 327.060 e ha r es In nd ditl on to crell.tlng 11. n e w preferred issue of one m il· llon llhnrrA. r~!e~~!r:,~, sn!:s. ~-~t/ :.!-\~1143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST) C~bo~:l: l11.cll~; However. 11s!d"' fro m a pending RCquls l· 2.000 p eople b y J une , n.nd t h1Lt's only three lion of S;, m S ha1nberg CO .• 1'f e mphls. T@nn. , 9 mor.!i~ : ;h~~yl~o m onth11 RWa y l!J the dooms• ~i:,::;,~o:11: :..,: ,,l~;!o~r:s':f:tr~';.'e143.215.248.55r!~~r;~;e : ~: d"Y" pinpointed by Ah med. H e Is quite correct ts n·t 11crlous ly 81Udy!ng a ny p o11sl ble n.cquhl · In prcdlctlni;: 11 0 eclipse o f the s un on May 9. Uons, Norfleet H . Rand. vice chair m a n ot t he but 11 uthor1Ue11 say the ecli pse wLII be pn.rtllll boa rd Rnd lreMmre r . :!!aid afte r the. m eeting. a nd won ·t tum th e Clevels.nd sky dark. And S ince lll64 , J nte rco has p urs ued An a c tive Ah med's Jo recast or r evolt msy be wildly cllver11H!ca t1on p rogrll.m. It opera tes 210 junior exai;~erl'l led. But other e vents echeduled for cle pal"lme nl s tp r l's, eight work a n d p[;,.y clot h· C1 evr,l1tnd soon are like l y t o arouse racial lni;: faetorles 11.nd !It:,,; r e ta il hardware s tore" t e mper-!'. plu11 !111 11hoe m11nufa c turlng a nd retailing t::nt<'r ;u~·r11n I, uthcr hl ni: ope ra.Uo ns . '"We're Interes te d prima rily ln lhe The R e v. MRrUn Luther 1,;:1ng J r . will vis it l'!Ofl J:"OOdl!. 11l\hou gh w e'd consid er a.ny field Cl eve lnnd soon to he lp prer,are for slm ultA.· that looked prom is ing," Mr. Rand s;, ld. Sa[(>s i,,nd e;, r n lni;:s In D ece,nbe r nnd .Jn.nn eous d(> m onstra tlon!I this 11•1m mer h ere a nd In o lhcr c ities. The mllllanl Congre811 of Racia l uary, th<' flrl'l l t wo m onthl! or t he company·s E!]un llty (CORE ) ha !I narrowed Ill! !Jl!llrc h for fi~ca l ye11 r. "'howe d an lm prov@m e nt over the a summer "de monRtrat!on city•· to ClevelRnd. 1 concerning the Governor ' s r ~ce . I manage " A" on the :rr-irer and j n the covrse . Not onl enjo~abl e ~ but very rr ofita llile. 0 sorre ~i me l ast No •ember to mace an y was iry tr ip I am t a ktnp a c our se th i s se~ester 1 n ~u b li c speakng ·~ hich we are r e quired to mak evera l p e e c hes . This Fri day we are to make spe e c h e s on a s pe c if ic ra c i a l problem. S i n ce I li "e in the Se.st Lake community , I have chosen the community tran ition vhi c h we a re exper iencing o Our professor req uires r esearch and " s ecific supporting rlata " in p esenting our s pee ch e . I r ea lize your time i e preme l y li mited , but I ~ould greatly appre ciate i t if you could a wer a~ w question for me . What do you feel has been the c au se oft. e situation? ave you seen a~y s j gns of organized "bloclcbus t ing "? Do you feel that Atl9nto's tremendous use of the Urban Renewal nr og r a m (wh ich I pl a n to make a sr ~ech ab ou t l ater in the semester ) has affe c ted the trend? of t e n fee l that the Negroes are being blamed ( th us created more r r e ju~i c e ) for ~hings which a r e not th eir own fault . Any help that you co L-1 . give in this area 'lould be greetly appr e ci ated . Thanks again for your help on my r E- p ort . Since~ Q~ Sn eed Box~ 2 ~L~2 6 Furman Unive ? ity Gre envill e ; S oC . 2961J P . · • Congr~t ula tions on y our nice wr ite-up in the current .ewsw eek . They 0 1 vious ly got the Nation ' s t o p mayors·: �March 3, 1967 Mr . Jesse Hill Atla.n ta Life Insurance Company P . O . Box 897 Atlanta. Georgia 30301 Dear Jes e : May I acknowledge receipt of your letter on behalf of the Atl nta Summit Leadership Conference regarding the four deaths in Perry Homes. A thorough investigation i being made ot this by the Atlanta Hou ing Authority, the insurance company, the Coroner, and the Atlanta Police Department. I will follow the investigation closely to its conclu ion, nd I am immediately a king for the report frotn the Atlanta Polle Dtpartment. Sincerely, Ivan Allen, Jr. IAJr: m �ATLANTA LIFE INS UR.ANGE COMPANY POST OFFICE BOX 897 A TLANTA , GEORGIA 30301 March 1, 1967 J E SS E HILL, J R . ACTU A RY Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor, City of Atlanta City Hall Atlanta, Georgia Dear Mayor Allen: The Atlanta Summit Leadership Conference urgently requests that your office launch a full scale investigation of the deaths of an entire family of the Perry Homes Housing Project in Atlanta. Death occured Thursday, bodies were discovered Saturday. The victims were Mrs. Josie Marie Callier, a daughter age 9 and two sons, ages 6 and 7. We have r eports of possible negligence on the part of the Atl anta Housing Authority. We have reports that there have been at least 4 other incidents of a faulty gas system causing deaths of tenants. Includ ing one case where one victim reported a faulty gas condition in his apartment, before he became a fatal victim. Very truly yours, ATLANTA SUMMIT LEADERSHIP CXlNFERENCE ~ Jes Hill, Jr., Co-Chairman Alderman Q. V. Williamson,Co-Chairma n Rev. Samuel W. Williams,Co - Chairman <....) -1+ ) C'<._...,1 �ADDR ESS R EPL Y TO AT L A NT A . GA . N EW Y O R K . N . Y . Mr. Jero s . Hardy February 13, 1967 I believe the story of this hotel would make an pictorial essay for LIFE, and if you are intere ted your staff ill receive excellent cooperation from the Mayor•s office on down . I hope the idea appeals to you. Kindest regards. Sincerely, {Signed) J. paul AUstin JPA/pc Enclo ure J ec The Hon. Iv n Allen, Jr. P. • nrout to Augu t , top over in Atlanta long enough to ee the place. I a ur . it will b orth you1.· ti If you are J.P.A. 3 0301 �D NEWSPAPER D RADIO p·oR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 0TV PASCHALS I CHECK THE CITY I S SKYLINE ATLANTA! A LUXURIOUS, ULTRA -MODERN, MILLION DOLLAR MOTOR HOTEL HAS RISEN TO TAKE ITS PLACE AMONG THE FINEST MOST BEAUTIFUL STRUCTURES IN THE CITY. NOW STANDING MAJESTICALLY BESIDE PASCHALS RESTAURANT AND PASCHALS' LA CAROUSEL NIGHT CLUB, IS THE ALL NEW PASCHALS' MOTOR HOTEL A 120 ROOM SEVEN STORY BUILDING THAT REPRE SENTS AN INVESTMENT OF MORE THAN TWO MILLION DOLLARS AND !HE RE.I\LIZATION OF A DREAM TI!AT BEGAN MORE THAN A QUARTER OF A CENTURY AGO. THE PASCHAL BRCITHERS DREAME D OF ONE DAY BUILDING A 'HOME "AWAY FROM HOME 1 , AN ALL S: "CQ:li 2ASSING FACILITY WHERE ONE COULD FIND FOOD, DRINK, MERRIMENT, ENTERTAINMENT, AND · - ..?L CE TO REST UP FOR MORE ALL WITHIN THE CO!--!T iNES OF ONE COMPLEX. JAMES AND ROBERT ·:1-.:, SARlrt: D EARLY IN LIFE THAT HARD WORK WAS TtlE ONLY WAY TO M.<\KE REALITIES OUT OF ...::. --~3, n:,:.: , SO THEY :~, t GA.'< 1·ivRKING .t.'.:I l:iOURS A DAY SEVEN DAYS A WEEK . Tl{ZY BEGAN WITH A SMAJL STORE AND A SPECIALTY . THEY TURNED THE SM.<\LL STORE INTO A _..,.,. ~TAJRANT AND TiiE SPECIALTY , ROBERT'S VERY SPECIAL RECIPE FOR FRIED CHICKEN, INTO A ··GO:;:. D MINE". FROM FIVE TABLES AND FORTY CHAIRS THE RESTAURANT EXPANDED TO TEN TABLES Ai'I~ EIGHTY CHAIRS. WHEN BUSINESS CONTINUED TO IMPROVE THE PASCHALS BOUGHT THE PROPERTY ACROSS THE STREET AND BUILT A MUCH LARGER RESTAUR."'- NT, THEN A COCKTA IL LOUNGE. ' 1Lr. G,\ROUSEL", THEY CALLED IT, AND SOON ITS WARM INTIMATE ATMOSPHERE WAS THE SETTING FOR _,;:i:GHTS OF GREAT JAZZ MUSIC FEATURING A CAROUSEL OF AMERICA 'S MOST RENOWNED JAZZ .. i>.TI3T S. J IMMY SMITH, CANNONBALL ADDERLY, RAMSEY LEWI S , HORACE SILVER AND '.!:HE OTHERS .:JUN:U A SPECIAL RAPPORT, A WARMTH, A FEELING OF COMPLE7E CJI1FORT WHICH t-'.IA.DE THEM LOOK 7 (1:S/A..·r n TO PERFORMING FOR LA CAROUSEL AUD IE NCE S AS MUCH AS J AZZ CONNOISSEURS LOOKED r' :.P..\.1ARD TO HEARING THEM PLAY. TODAY "LA CAROUSEL" ENJOYS THE REPUTATION OF BE ING ONE C:7 'l:TI LEADING NIGHT CLUBS FOR "LE JAZZ EXTRAORDINAIRE" IN THE SOL'TH. _,:o w CAME THE MOST AMBITIOUS PART OF THE PASCHAL BROTHERS DREAM AND THEY SOON Fc.:m ... THAT -r:.:Ii. .,ING A XCIT OR LODGE WAS MORE THAN JUST MIXING MORT ·~ i~OR BRICKS . FIRST LAND -··. -;:i TO ~ f' CHA SE D AND rHE AREA HAD TO BE REZONED. THEY NEE D£:) _. fOUGH LAND FOR A HOT.t:.:... 8IG a .OuGH TO ACC OMMODATE ALL THE PEOPLE THAT MIGHT VISIT FRIENDS A1"\ID RELATIVES IN THAT 'A.RT F TOWN; ALL THE PEOPLE WHO CAME INTO ATLANTA TO DO BUSINESS WITH THE SIX COLLEGE S ~ ~ T_IB SURROUNDING AREA; ALL THE PEOPLE ••• so HOUSE BY HOUSE, LOT BY LCIT THE PA SCHALS 30UGh '£ UP THE PROPERTY AROUND THEM. THEY OFTEN FOUND THEMSELVES TALKING WITH PEOPLE 1-JHO <>. D :... I VED THERE ALL THEIR LIVES AND wANTED IT TO BE MADE WORTH THEIR WHILE TO GO ELSEwiiER2 . MORE OFTEN THAN NCIT THEY'D PAY TWICE AS MUCH AS THE PROPERTY WAS WORTH IN ORDER TO "B'JY IT. ORIGINALLY THE PLAN CALLED FOR THE BUILDING OF 7 2 UNITS, BUT BY THE TIME CONSTRUCTION HAD BEGUN, COMMUNITY ENTHUSIASM WAS SO HIGH AND MONTHS-IN-ADVANCE .di:SERVATIONS SO NUMEROUS THAT THE PASCHALS DECIDED TO ADD TWO ADDITIONAL FLOORS, 48 ADDIT IONAL UNITS. TODAY AS THE PASCHALS LOOK AT THE Fl<.UI TS OF THE IR LABORS ·_·SEY SEE IN PASCHALS' MOT OR HOTEL EVERYTHING THEY EVER DREAME D OF AND MORE. THE RE ARE :.. 20 GUEST ROOMS AND SUITES •• ROOMS EXQUISITELY FURNISHED IN AN ULTRA MODERN DECOR •• BAmUET FACILITIES FOR 350 PEOPLE •• AN ADDITIONAL DINING ROOM TO ACCOMMODATE 160 PEOPLE •• AN INTERIOR THAT IS BEAUTIFULLY CARPETED AND LUXURIOUSLY DRAPED._.SPACIOUS ROOMS EACH WITH ALL THE CONVENIENCES: RADIO, TELEVISION, TELEPHONE, YEAR ROUND COMFORT CONDIT IONING, PRI VATE ?..:'. .TH .\ ND SHOWER, AND ROOM SERVICE. THE SM.t\LLE ST ROOM MEASURES 14 x 19 o EACH ROOM HAS ~\ •UT DOOR BALCONY AND TWO DOUBLE BEDS. AUTOMATIC ELEVATORS ARE CONVENIENTLY LOCATEJ c .'.10 VE GUESTS SWIFTLY AND SAFELY TO THEIR FLOOR DESTINATION. THERE ARE THIRTY oNdECTING SUITES EXECUTIVE SUITES AND THE BAmUET ROOM OVERLOOK A 20 x 40 FOOT ,, _v..J.'f ING POOL. TI:IE POOL AND AMPLE SUNDECK FACILITIES SHOULD PROVE A DELIGHT TO Sw L"iMERS AND NON SWIMMERS ALIKE. THERE IS A CONVENIENT SiJBTERRANEAN PARKING AREA THA:' AN EASILY ACCOMMODATE 165 CARS. 0 Sam Eckstein Advertising-2046 Peachtree Rd., N.E.-Room 308 -Atlanta, Ga.-351-4234 p R E s s R E L E A s E �F.O R IMMEDIATE RELE A SE D NEWSPAPER D RADIO 0TV PASCHALS 1 (Cont.) F PASCHALS MOTOR HOTEL IS STRATEGICALLY LOCATED AT 830 HUNTER STREET, S.W. NEAR ATLANTA'S BUSINESS, CULTURAL, RELIGIOUS, AND RECREATIONAL CENTERS. IT IS A SHORT BUS RIDE FROM DOWNTOWN ATLANTA YET FA1 ENOUGH AWAY TO ESCAPE THE HUBBUB OF A THRIVING METROPOLIS. BUT ONE NEEDN'T GO DOWNTOWN TO FIND :·:OST ANY KIND OF GOODS .:,R Sc. RVICE . NEARBY ARE GASOLINE STAT IO S, A B K, A POST ..,:S-FICE , DRUG STORE, ·_,_-,. ..;.IETY ~'. TORE, 'B ARBER Sh OP , BEAUTY PP-P.LOR , ME DICAL A_F) LAV O'F ·~·TC • c: , T!:ff. A'T'EP S AND ·;·::.;. _,., ESTATE AND INSURANCE CONCERNS. ..:· :.~TORI . ::;LURCHES AND SCi.':'.:lOLS ARE NOT FAR . ~~0 5E OUT-OF TOWNERS VISITING OR ATTENDING F•JNCTIONS AT ONE OF THE: SIX COLLEGES ThAT COMPRISE THE ATLANTA UNIVERSITY CENTER wILL FIND THE DISTANCE FROM PASCHALS f'~J 'i'OR HOTEL IDEAL. PARKS AND STAD i iJ£'.i0 RE ; _;__, 2"' WITHIN WALKING DISTANCE . AND SO IT IS THAT THE PASCHAL BROTHERS ,.AN L -, .)K WITH PRIDE AT WHAT THEY SEE : • FINE RESTAURANT WHERE FRIED CHICKEN I STILL .t'RE PARED AND WATCHED OVER BY BRO'.::'.:ER ROBERT; A NIGHT CLUB WHICH CATERS TO THE F INEST JAZZ MUSICIANS IN THE LAND; AND THEIR M.l\.GNIFICENT NEW MOTOR HOTEL, ULTRA-MODERN IN ~v.7ERY RESPECT , A FAC.LL ITY THAT CA..'N READILY BOAST OF THE MOST r.XCELL ENT OF ACCOM.""'ODATIONS, BAm UET FAC IL ITIES, AND COMFORT; AND A LOCATION THAT IS IDEAL . B ~ MORE THAN THAT THE PASCHAL BROTHERS HAVE ACHIEVED THE FEELING OF IT BEING A HOME AVJAY FROM HOME" BY THE WARM AND CORDIAL ATMOSPHERE - THE PEOPLE WHO SERVE YOU. CREATE.· ..,,:: " HECK THE CITY'S SKYLINE ATLANTA! THEN CHECK IN TO THE BIG BEAUTIFUL NEW .ASCiiALS' MOTOR HOTEL,830 HUNTER STREET, s. W. . Sam E c kst e in Advertising - 2045 Pea chtree Rd., N . E. - Room 308 -Atl anta., Oa.-351-4234 R E -..... C C R E L E A s E �COPY November 13, 1967 RES OLUTI ON ADOPTED AT !lASH- B S COORDI NATING COI, TTEE ETIUG On October 13, when May I van lien, J r ., accept ed t he lis t of namrs s recommended by Mr. E. M., Laws ~ for membershi p on t he ash- Bans Coordinat ing Committ ee ~ and desi gnated them as official r epresentati ves oft e sh- Bans Area , he made the followi ng stat ement : "Our number one goal is to make the Nash- ns Community a bet ter place in -,hioh t o live ., Now it is up t o all of us , the Committee and the Ci ty to work t ogether to see t hat , e achieve our purpose" 0 iJo development i n the area shall ke pl ace under the auspices of any department in the Ci ty Government without the delegat ed representatives of the Committee being br ought i nto a consultative r el ati onship with t e proposed de elopment in i t s initi al st ages . J MrQ Col lier B. Gladin, Director of Ci ty Planni M Depart ment, has r ecent ly employed a trai ned speciali st in Urban Development i n the person of Ir. Peter LaBree to make a study of the Nash- Bans Comm.unity in order to make a comprehens i ve survey and recommendations or t he over - all Urban Reneual Devel opments in th , on . I n view of the fact hat t he proposed recommendat ions of ~.tr . LaBri should be expected to include the location of the parks , pl ayg ounds and other r ecreat ional fac i liti es as r elat ed to schools , churches , and the resident ial areas , it would seem alt oget her appropriate that the Atlanta Board of Educat ion be requested to suspend any furth r developments in the area on t he Junior High School Compl ex, until the overall schedule for Urbo.n Renewal development of t1e Nash- Bans Community has been finalized . In consideration of the situation that i s descri bed n. ove , be i t resolved thnt a resoluti on bo adopted at this meeting and be fo~fC S/-r(,c'f::;, I r-· I. f,;.q ("_·-t Y.: b c., -~ (J O 'i 1, ~· •, _ V, / ~ Ci:..• rr-; r, I 1.. : i I ..,(~ ' . ! I -~ c,·, 0 1 }·; I ( (.:-,,. j I\;,; .J. 1.,i bo N ()\ p NI 1.-- _J j { r· It_, i1.,•' C, , I ,_ ) .-( Y '· 1 I · . {' l_ l,\ :·· \.:. C I' r v-... . f)(· '···f' I (:'~ L_F: 'i o uI-< 1-] J.. Ac.. K 131-. Mayor Richard J . Dal ey of Chicago ; Henry Ford II, Chairman o f the Ford Mot or Company; James Rouse, President of The Rouse Company and of Urban America Inc.; The odore Schlesinger, President of Allied Stores Corpora- ,., �The Urban Coalition FOR IMMED IATE RELEASE Page 2 tion; Asa T. Spaulding, President of t he North Carolina Mutual Insurance Company; David Sullivan, Pre sident of the Building Service Employees International Union; and Mayor James H. J. Tate of Philadelphia, Presi- " dent of the National League of Cities. The Coalition ex pe cts an att endance of l , 00 0 at the one-day Convocation. Each segmen t will issue invitations to 2 00 individuals. , In the morning, there will be a general session on the Convocation' s three major pro gra ms. The y are: --An emergency work program to provide job training and employ- _ ment for the urban poor, now being draft ed into specific legislation ; - -A major ex pa nsion of th e priv ate s e ct or' s efforts to train a nd provide jobs for the hard-core unemploy ed, such as the "Earn and Learn" programs now underwa y in several citie s; --A long-ran ge program fo r th e phy sica l a nd s o cia l r e c o nstruction of American citie s "to bre ak up the vicious cy cle of th e ghetto," in th e . . \ . words of th e Co a lition's July 31 state ment of purpo se . Following the morning session, a d el egatio n from the Coalitio n ' s Steering Committee will ~all upon Congressiona l leaders o f both partie s . to present t hese programs. In the afternoon, the Convocation will break up into work groups to d i scu ss the means o f implementing these programs, particularly through formation of local coalitions involving the same segments as the national ..· ·. �The Urban Coalition FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Page 3 effort. At the end of the day, there will be a general session to hear a report of the Steering Committee delegation to Congress. The July 31 meeting at which the Coalition was formed was convened by Mayor Joseph M. Barr of Pittsburgh, president of the U. S. Conference of Mayors, and by Mayor John V. Lindsay of New York, a member of the Conference's executive committee. A copy of the Coalition's statement of purpose and a roster of the full Steering Committee are attached. .>. . ·. . �STATEMENT UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BY THE URBAN COALITION July 31, 1967 · Washington, D. C. PREAMBLE The tangible results of the urban riots in terms of death, injury, and property damage are horrifying in themselves. The intangible damage in terms of the riots' effects on men's minds may yet be even greater . . At this moment, millions of Americans are forming attitudes that could mean disaster to our social structure: the home-owner who vows to shoot . the next suspicious character he sees in his neighborhood; the businessman who decides. to g~t out of th_e slums; the labor leader who determines to keep minoritiE;s out; the insurance man who refuses to cover slum properties; the Negro or White who goes out to take whatever he can get his hands on; the legislator who fails to meet his public responsibHities. These people and others are reversing a trend that, however slowly, was working to the benefit of our cities' disadvantaged minorities. Let them realize that it is the citizen, in the end, who will keep our country united or will • divide it. It is government's duty to maintain law and order. st~nd that law and order is not an excuse "for oppression. . If law and order is to \ . But all must under- - be accepted by the minorities, the majority must clearly and positively demonstrate its belief that justice, social progress, and equality are rights of every citizen. J>. · We, the undersigned, pledge ourselves to this purpose. We will call upon ~he leaders of all segments of society, city by city, to publicly commit_ . themselves to 'programs enabling the disadvantaged minoritie s to share in all of the benefits of our society. .. · . . �STATEMENT UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BY THE URBAN COALITION Page 2 This conference of leaders of business, labor, religions, education, civil rights, and c:i,J:y govern ment has formed an Urban Coalition to bring about a sense of immediate urgency about the need for positive and progressive action for our cities. Lawlessness and all its ingredients cannot be tolerated. Looting, burning·, and bottle throwing are criminal acts and must be dealt with as such. But let not a reaction to acts, committed by a small fraction of the population of the country's ghettos, blind us to the absolute necessity of moving dramatically and immediately to correct the desperate condition of our urban centers. We call upon the Nation and the Congress to reorder our national priorities, with a commitment of national resources equal to the dimensions of the problems we face. • The crisis require s a full new dimension in both the public and private sectors, working together for jobs, housing, education, and the oth er needs of our cities. ( This Coalition believes th e Congress must move without delay on urban ·programs. The country can wait no longer for model cities, antipoverty , ·'· housing, education , and job··training legislation, and a host of other matters that have been too long denied ·t he ci_ties. We call upon the Federal Government to develop an Em ergency Work and Reconstruction Program to provide new training programs and jo bs .. · ·. �STATEMENT UNANIMO.USLY ADOPTED BY THE URBAN COALITION Page 3 for the unemployed. The Coalition also belie ves that the private sector of Ame rica must .. directly and vigorously involve itself in the crisis of the cities by a commitment to investment, job training and hiring, and all other things that are necessary to the full · enjoyment of the fr~e ente rprise system, and also to its survival. To carry this forward, the .Coalition commits itself to proceed immediately to promote "Earn and Le arn Centers" in the cities of the country to provide job training a nd jobs. The Coalition agree s these centers might w e ll b e the joint venture of business, labor, and local governme nt. The Coalition believes the sickne ss of the citie s, including civic disorde r within the m, is the r e spon sibility of the whole of Ame rica . Ther e fo re , it is the · responsibility of eve ry Ame rica n to join in the cre a tion of a n ew political, socia l, e conomic and moral climate whic h will make poss i bl e the bre a king up of the vic iou s c ycle of the gh e tto. ( The Coa lition's commitme nt can be for no l es s and its d e t e r min a tion is for e v e n mo re . Th e C oal ition'furth e r co mmit s its e lf to conve n e a n U rba n Co a lition .>. Eme rgency Convo ca tion in Wa shi ng ton n ear the e nd of Augu st . The Convoca tion w ill b e a t t e nded by 1 , 0 00 l eader s a cro s s t he Na tion of bu s iness , l a bor, re ligion , e duca tio n , c ivil right s , and c ity gov ernme n t. ·. .. �Those attending the rr1eeting included: I. W. Ab e l, President, Unite d Ste elwork ers of Am e rica, AFL-CIO Arnold Aronson (representing Ro y Wilk ins), Executive Secretary , National Leadership Conference on Civil Rights Mayor Joseph M. Barr, President, U.S. Conference of Mayors Andrew J. Biemiller (representing George M e any), Legislative Director, AFL-CIO ' . Walter Fauntroy (repres e nting Martin Luther King), Washington Representative, Southern Christian Leadership Conference Arthur S. Flemming, President, National Counc11 of Churches Andrew Heiskell, Chairman of the Board, Time, Inc. and Chairman, Urban • America Inc . Joseph Keenan, Secretary-Treasurer, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, AFL-CIO Mayor John V. Lindsay, Executive Committee, U.S. Conference of Mayors Mayor Arthur Naftalin, Chairman, Com munity Re lations Committee , U.S. Confere nc e of Ma yors Gerald Phillipp e , Chairman of the Board, G e neral Electric I 1. Walter Reuth e r, President, Citi z ens Crusad e Against Pov e r t y and Pre sident, United Auto Workers, AFL-CIO David Roc ke fell e r, Pre sident, Chase M anhattan Bank / Rabbi Jacob P. Rudin, President, Synagogue Council of America Bayard Rustin (repre senting A. Philip Ra ndolph), Ex ecutive Director, A. Philip Randolph Institute Bishop Paul Tanner (re pre sen ting Archbishop De arden), G e n e ral Se cre ta ry , National Confe r en c e of Catholic Bishops John Whee i er , Pr eside nt, M e chanics a n d Farmers Ban k, Durh am , N . C . , a nd Preside nt , Southe rn Re gional Coun c il Whi t ney Yo un g , Exe cutive Direc to r , Na tion a l U rb an Leag ue 7/ 31/6 7 ~ l p ..m • . �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS EMERGENCY CONVOCATION: THE URBAN COALITION We are experiencing our third summer of widespread civil disorder. In 1965, it was Harlem, and the disaster of Watts. In 1966, it was the Hough area of Cleve land, Omaha, Atlanta, Dayton, San Francisco and 24 other cities. This summer, Newark and Detroit were only the most tragic of 8 0 explosions of violence in the streets . Confronted by these cata strophic eve nts, w e , as r e pres e ntative s of business, labor, religion, civil rights, and local government, have joined in this Convocation to create a sens e of national urgenc y on the need for positive action for all the pe ople of our c ities. We are united in the following convictions: W e b e lieve the tangible e ffe cts o f the urban riots in t e rms of d eath, i njury , a nd prope rty dama ge , horri f ying though the y are , are l es s to be feared than the intangible damage to men's minds. W e belie v e it is the gove rn ment' s d ut y to ma inta in l a w and ord er . W e bel ieve t hat o ur thoug hts a nd actions should b e direct e d I to the d eep-roote d and historic proble ms of the citie s. W e believe that w e; as a nation. , must c l earl y and positivel y demons t rate our belief t hat justice , social progress , and equality of opportunit y a re ri ght s of ever y c itize n . We believe the American peopl e and t he Congress mu st reorde r nationa l priorities , with a commitment of resources e qua l to the magnitude of the problems we face. The crisis requires a new dimension of effort in both the public and private sectors, working together to provide jobs, housing, �STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES I GOALS• AND COMMITMENTS Page 2 education , and the other needs of our cities. We believe the Congress must move without delay on urban programs. The country can wait no longer for measures that have too long been denied the people of the cities and the nation as a whole--additional civil rights l egislation, adequately funded model cities, anti-poverty, housing, e duc a tion, and job- training programs, and a host of othe rs. W e believe the private sector of America must directly and v i gorously involve itse lf in the cris i s of the cities by a c ommitment to inve stme nt, job-training, and hiring, and all that is nece ssary to the full enjoyme nt of the free e nterprise system--and also to its survival. W e b e lie ve the sickne ss of the citie s , including civic dis order within the m, is the res ponsibility of the whole of Ame rica . There fore , it is t he re sponsibility of e v e r y Ame rican to join in the creation of a new p olitical, s oc i a l, e con o mic , a nd mora l c limat e tha t will ma ke p o s sible the breaking of the vi c·ious c yc l e of the g he tto. Effort s must( be mad e to i nsure the broa de st pos sibl e opportunity for P.ll c itizens a nd group s, i ncluding those in t he ghetto, to part ic i pat e fully in shaping and direct ing t he society of which the y are a part. This Conv oc ation calls upo n t he nation t o end once and for all the shame of poverty amid gene ral affl u e nce. Government and business mus t accept respons ibility to provide all Americans with opportunity to earn an adequate income. Private industry must greatly accelerate its efforts to �PLEASE NOTE have reprinted chis booklet by offset from a similar reprint made from the original, in 194 5, by The National Economic Council. Additional copies are available from us at the following prices: In lots of I to 99, at three for one dollar; I 00 to 999, at twenty-five cents each; I 000 or more, at twenty cents each. Order from \'(le .. l AM E RICAN OPINION Belmont, Massachusetts 02178 �FOREWORD T HE world is caught in the depths of a great crisis. Masses of people live on the brink of starvation. Discontent and un· rest are more widespread than ever before. Changes are taking place in society and in government. Intensive preparations for war and movements towards fascism are developing quickly. These are times of great changes and of quick transformations. The old ideas, upon which generations of people have been raised, are crumbling because life no longer justifies them. New ideas take their place. People in all walks of life are seeking new solutions, an effective way out of present conditions. What is the relation of the Negroes in the United States to this rapidly changing world? They are now living through one of the most trying times in their history. What is the way out? This question presents itself more sharply to the Negro masses than to any other section of the population. It is our purpose in this pamphlet to answer this question, We believe we express the minimum desires of the Negro masses when we say that they want at least: 1. A decent and secure livelihood; 2. The rights of human beings; 3. An equal, honorable and respected status in all public and social life. Capitalism has not been able to provide these needs, and is less and less able to do so. There are those who sav that by re· forming capitalism it can be made to fi II the neerls o'f the mas5es. We will show why this is impossible. There i-s only one real, effective way out for the masses. It is not an easy one. But no basic change in society is easy. This wa~ leads to a Soviet America. This is the only realistic vision freedom possible today. It must be achil'ved, it can be achie,·eh · • t e How? We will first show the basis of Negro slavl'TY 10 • g United States today. We will then show how all Levents are push•~e towards another revolution in the United StatP!I and wha t r;rY the Negro people will play in this revolution. We will then ·ble to describe the tremendous vista of freedom and advance pMs• in a Soviet America. THE NEGROES . in a SOVIET AMERICA by James W. Ford and James S. Allen d 2 P. PUBLISHED BY WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS BOX 148, STA. D, NEW YORK CITY, JUNE, 1935 o. �The Negroes in a Soviet America By JAMES W. FORD and JAMES S. ALLEN I. THE NEGRO IN CAPITALIST AMERICA BOOKER T. Washington once said: "No race that has anything to contribute to the markets of the world is long in any degree ostracized." He thought that capitalism would permit the Negro to develop business and manufacturing, and increase his ownership of land. In this way, he believed, the Negro could achieve an important economic place in the capitalist world. His whole philosophy was based upon this belief. "Agitation for social equality," he said, "would be extreme folly." Let each Negro train himself in industrial pursuits or in business, hew a place for himself in capitalist America, and only then will he be treated with respect, was his advice. But what has this wisdom led to? Economic "Progress" Let us first consider the question of landownership. During the Civil War and immediately after, the Negroes thought that taey would obtain the land-"forty acres and a mule." But nothing of the kind happened. Only very slowly and with much difficulty was it possible for some to purchase land. By 1910 only one-fourth of all Negro farmers owned some land, usually very little, the poorest and most heavily mortgaged. But for the last 25 years, capitalism has been taking even this land away from Negro farmers. In 1930 there were 40,000 less Negro farm owners tha..--. in 1910. In ten years, between 1920 and 1930, Negroes lost almost 2,000,000 acres of land. How much they have lost in the last five years, no one knows. But it is certain that land is being taken away now from Negro owners by banks, insurance companies, large landowners and other creditors, much more rapidly than before. On the other hand, the most brutal form of slavery in the country has been growing rapidly. The Negroes are the prin• cipal victims of this slavery. It is share~ropping and planta• a �tion tenancy. Everyone knows that when chattel slavery was abolished the plantations remained. Most of the Negroes became share-croppers and tenants on these plantations. They were actually prisoners, almost chattel slaves. Almost three-quarters of a century has passed since Emancipation. Has capitalism done anything to abolish this new slavery? . On the contrary! The plantation country to this day is like a prison, a veritable hell to which 5,000,000 Negroes have been consigned without any prospect of immediate escape. In fact, the slavery has even increased. In the cotton plantation area of the South, twenty-five years ago, 80 per cent of all the Negro farmers were croppers and tenants. But in 1930 their number had grown to almost 84 per cent. There are those who say that President Roosevelt and the "New Deal" are changing this situation. But it is clear to every Negro in the plantation country that Roosevelt has been helping only the bigplanters. His policies have resulted in increased slavery. When the crisis broke out in this country the large landowners in the South found themsel ws in a qu:m,-bry. Many of the banks and credit merchants failed and those who remained refused to extend credit. Many of the small landowners, who lived from hand to mouth, were wiped out. From the beginning of the crisis to March, 1933, over a half-million forced sales and foreclosures took place in the Southern states. Roosevelt came to the rescue of the large landowners by . pumping tremendous funds into the South, most of which went to the modern slave-master - the plantation owner. In nine months alone the Farm Credit Administration advanced about S300,000,000 directly to the planters. In this way, Roosevelt helped to holster up the plantation, on which millions of Negroes are enslaved. The Federal Government took over many of the debts from private banks ::md insurance companies and is now the biggest holder of mortgages in the South. This means that it now has a direct hand in maintaining the plantation slavery, that it is part owner, together with the big planter, of a vast prison country. The second step taken by Roosevelt was to increase the profits of the large landowners and the commission merchants by reducing acreage in the South. In 1933, while millions of people were in need of clothing, we were faced with the astounding 4 picture of ripe cotton being plowed under by poorly clothed fa~~ workers. The croppers and tenants never saw the money ~hie they were supposed to receive from the Governme~t for this act of destruction. The plantation master:;, the credit merchants, the ba11kc-rs, got the government checks. Thi,- i,- what a ~overnment farm agent in Mississippi said: "You know the government in Washi111-(t1Jn caused m,· a litt/e trouble here 0Bv mfstake they mailed sumc of the rhecks t: out to 'niirg~r' cruppers. They proLaLly didn't know wh~1. t 1e~ were d(1ing when they did it. Imagine givin:; a check ~o j nc1fg':r cropper! Of cour~e, I turned these checks nv~r to t anb '( 5 anyhow. They'll have lo gel the croppers ,to endorse_,t em c ore th<'y take tht'm to 1lie hank. llut that wont bP. hare!. '"j' h Acrea~e was cur again in 1934 under t~e Bankh: a1 Bil\ It is being cut again in 19:{5 as a result of a · democratic election in which the plant:ilion owners forced the Negro croppers and tenants to vote for reduction. . . This is not only a lfocimation of crops; it is also a decunation of hundrnds of thousands of human beings. Whole tenant f ~milies are being sf-'nt "dow11 the road" by the ~lante~s, or ~re be~ng permitted to eke out a miserable existence m their cabms domg forced labor for the government or the planter in return for S?I_'1e crumbs called relief. These landless and workless far1? families are beina "kept on hand" to be fo rced to work at plowmg, chop· · · ping or "cotton picking at staryall~n wages. Wages on most plan. tations are now between 25 and :>U cents a day. . Roosevelt's policies have had the effect of mcreasmg the slavery of millions of Negro toilers in the South. Cotton, the need of millions of unclothed, a necessity of mankind, has been turned into the mark of Negro slavery by capitalism. The Promise of the City It 1-eemPd to man\' people, especially durin~ the Wo~l d War and the years immed.iately following, that city life and mdustry would offer a means of escape from slavery 011 the land. The city and its industry had been practically forbidden ter• ritory for Negroes up to the World War. In the first place, the plantation masters and government agencies of the Bla~k Belt kept the Nearoes chained to the land and would not permit them to leave. E:en when industry began to develop in the South, the factory gates remained closed to Negro workers. Hope was 5 �dimmed when the textile industry, which grew so rapidly in the South, made it clear that it would not hire Negroes. The place of the- Negro, it was said, was on the plantation; their slave labor Willi needed there. Even to this day, the textile mills do not have any Negro workers at the machines. But during the World War a great shortage of labor existed in industry. Then only did the capitalists make an energetic drive to obtain Negro labor. Who does not remember the great hope of the exodus? It was compared to the Emancipation Act. The South was the land of the Pharaohs, the North "the Land of Promise". The Red Sea of capitalism was opening up to permit the Negroes to pass. But the exodus was already petering out in 1923. Employers bad more labor than they needed. The Red Sea aKain flowed back into its normal course. Almost twenty years have gone by since the mass migration ltarted. Years before, Negroes, in smaller numbers, had been m gaged in industrial pursuits. Yet it is a well-known fact that Negro workers have not been permitted to advance to the higherpaying jobs. They have been forced to the lowest status of all industrial workers, to the unskilled, heavy-laboring jobs. Today, no more than 10 per cent of all the Negro workers have held skilled or semi-skilled jobs. It is not because they cannot be skilled workers. Many of them are. It was a common occurrence in the South, ~ven h:fore the _present crisis, to find graduates of Tuskegee Institute, highly tramed mechanics and teachers work· ing as bell-hoy~ . in the hotels. But capitalism has not gi~en the same opportunities to the Negroes for advancement and training as it had given to white workers. The white workers, it is true, are wage-slaves under capitalism. They must sell their labo_r ~o an employer in order to live. They, also, are exploited. But it 1s clear to everybody that the Negro wage-worker is exploited even m~re. He is held back to the lowest level of the wage-workers, he Ill pushed back by capitalism every time be advances. Under President Roosevelt's "New Deal" this state of affairs has ~n officially recognized and given a legal status. The Industrial Codes have placed the official stamp of the Federal Government upon the double standard. The differential wage established by these Codes said in effect that the wages of Negro workers must remain lower than those of white workers. One 6 example will show how this works. The Code for the lumber in· dustry pla~ed the minimum wage for the North at 42½ cents an hour, and for the South, where most of the lumber workers are Negroes, at 24 cents an hour. Now capitalism is trying to evict the Negro workers from industry for good. Today there is an army of at least 15,000,000 unemployed in the United States. Among the Negro workers unemployment is many times greater than among white workers. The number of Negroes in families on relief increased from 2,117,000 in October, 1933, to 3,500,000 in January, 1935. In many place!! even jobs which were always held by Negroes are being given to white workers at the same or even lower wages. Nor has the Negro fared any better in the professions. Here again capitalism has held back with a heavy hand all efforts at advancement. In the whole country there are only 6,781 Negro physicians, lawyers and dentists. They_ also have_ been victims ~f segregation and discrimination, suffermg from madequate fac_1lities in the way of training and practice, and excluded from white institutions. Many of them are starving today. For a population of 12,000,000 Negroes there are only 50,000 Negro teachers, most of whom are not permitted to teach in white schools. The yearly salary of most of these teacher!' does not exceed $300. Push ahead in business, was another advice of Booker T. Washington. One is even met with this advice on all sides today. But even the development of a large Negro middle class has proven to be impossible under capitalism. In the whole country today, there are only about 25,000 retail stores operated by Negro proprietors. Most of these are small, overnight, "peddler" affairs. Why? Not because the Negro is not capable, but because big business has the monopoly of commerce and trade. Segrega· tion forces the Negro retailer to sell only in Negro neighborhoods. He has a poor clientele. He has no chance against the chain store. Today, many small business men are being wiped out. A small, well-to-do class, however, has tleveloped among the Negro people. The Negroes also have a millionaire or two. But this class has developed only at the expense of the rest of the Negro community. It gathers for itself a goodly share of the profits arising from the exploitation of the Negro masses. It is true that capitalism has not permitted the existence of any large Negro-owned industrial enterprises. The white ruling class is 7 �~he direct exploiter of the Negro masses on the plantations and in mdus!ry. But the Negro upper class has found a11other way to exploit the Negro masses. These were the words with h' h Th . omu:- Knicrht. Jr., chief . · W IC 0 prosecutor m the Srotbhoro C f I d · th d . use, re errc, lo Hevwood Putterso11 ur!ng e secon tnal at Decatur, Alubamu. . These words express the t . towards Ne roes wh' h ~on_ emptuous und msulting attitude in his I ~ h' . JC capitalism hreuthm•. "Keep the Negro S . I P ~ce :-t is Is the Watchword of the modern slave driver. 0 cia foshraci sm, persecution, segregation, insult have taken the • 1 p ace o t e s1aveowner's p t r d . . a erna ism un of Simon Legree's whip. Th f h" d" . . . e acts of J1m-Crowism I 11 k • ync mg, 1scnmmallon are so ~enera y nown a nd are 80 deeply branded in the heart of the egro masses that we need not go into detail here. Suffice it to say that the rulers of this country, especially and most openly in the South, have made the Negro a social outcast, have treated him not like a human being hut like cattle. They have gone to the greatest pains to brand the Negroes with the mark of non· humans. On street cars, trains, in railroad stations and places of amusement, on drinking fountains, the ruling class of the South has broadcast to the world: "Only whites here-only Negroes there!" In the North they do not use signs, but that is the only difference. There are written laws and there are unwritten laws. The three most important written laws with regard to Negroes are the 13th Hth and 15th Amendments to the Constitution of ' States. These are supposed to guarantee to .every the United Negro the full rights of citizenship and equality under the law. But these are only decorations on the Constitution. Negroe:; are not permitted to serve on juries in the South. A Negro voter in the South is either an object of a lynching party or a highly privileged character. Although such practices are supposed to he unconstitutional, has the Federal government, since the period immediately after the Civil War, ever done anything about it? These written laws are not enforced. But the written laws in 15 states segregating Nrgroes on public conveyances are very strictly enforced. There is one unwritten law which is also very severely en· forced. That is the law that lynchers of Negroes are not to he punished. What is the reason for this very severe persecution of the Negro masses? It is not to he found in any "natural hatred" of whites for Negroes. These acts of hatred and of persecution are caused by capitalism. First: The ruling class must use severe measures of oppression and persecution in order to keep the Negro peon on the plantation, in order to maintain that special slavery of the South. The capitalists also make use of the same measures to force the Negro to take the lowest place in industry. Second: The whole idea of the "superiority of the white race" and the practices of Jim-Crow are used to effect a severe separation of the white masses from the Negroes. Race prejudice grew out of the old chattel slave system. Then the slaveowners were afraid of a union of the oppressed "poor whites" with the Negro slaves. Capitalism has taken over this prejudice and uses it for 8 9 J_t makPs its profits l,y taking udvantag;c of St'"TP"atio11 and O the 1tlP·1s of "wh ·t , · · ·,, I ,., • I C superronty • f 0111! examiru;s a fist of the we~lthwst 1'Pgroes he will find that many of 'them have made their fortunes by specuht' er • l · . .. ' mi:, Ill rca estate m the !:-cgregateJ sec· ho~s 0 large cilles and by extnu:ting extremely hi"h rrnts from the,r lt·na11b . I Watt Terp· . 1111·11':1<,r1,11rP; . 1u h n F N Ncgm ·t · .,, tl11•· Nn•~ro ·" a,, Oscar DePnPst, etc. ) Others have bu'lt th · Ith · I · . · r up err wca rn t If! co,-met1c busuwss bv commercializinor ti . · I . f " J ·1 J " (M I , · ,.. 1r JC e,1 o w 11 e ac nme .C. J. Walker ()>cauty . · , Mrs ' · Ann·1c ;,)f . ·1· urn I,ee, A nl honv \ erton, etc.). Still others have maro. 0 0 s have been closed down for lack of funds Ca it 1. .., . p a ism is !'acrificing the education of millions of children~ r The high disease and death rate reveal the severity of capital ist <' Is_ an:iong the Negro peop le instance, the death ra te f bxp oitatr_on. In Milwaukee, fo r · h · rum tu erculos1 N e1g t times as great as amon.r whites. . s among egroes was great as compared with N k C ' m Harlem three times as heart disease are twice ew or ity as a whole. Deaths from as great among Ne I n llf i, anhattan, where the Ne roe . groes as among whites. the total population aim -~ s 7nst1tute only 12 per cent of occurred among Neg;oes. os one- ourth of all infant deaths y 10 This high death and disease rate is due to the hard exploitation of Negroes, to lack of hospitals and of care, to the crowding of the segregated sections. In view of these appalling facts, knowing all the bitter details of our daily existence, is there any reason why we should permit capitalism to continue? The Reformers and the "Race Criers" There are still those who would have the Negro masses believe that capitalism can do better than it has in the past. These people range from out-and-out reactionaries to those who cover reactionary policies with radical drapings. Let us see what they have to say as to the way out. The Bootstrap Lifters There are still many followers of Booker T. Washington today who would have us lift ourselves up by our bootstraps, when many of us do not even have boots. But we have already seen, from 75 years of experience, that capitalism has permitted only very few to rise--at the expense of the rest of the people. Today, when the crisis is denying millions even the barest necessities of life, only a quack or an outand-out reactionary can give such counsel. But kind of agitation is still very strong. Pick up almost any Negro newspaper, listen to many of the "race leaders" and you will be advised to help build Negro business. This will solve all our problems, we are told. The executive secretary of the National Negro Business League tells us : " Business points the way to a breakdown of the barriers and handicaps which retard Negro progress." He, and many others, call upon the Negro masses to patronize Negro business, as the most effective means to protect themselves against persecution. How futile, how bankr upt is this advice! Everywhere the capitalists are cutting down p roduction, have closed factor ies, reduced cr ops. The big monopolies and trusts are getting greater control of manufacturing and of the market. Small businessmen ever ywhere are going b ankrupt. Even the largest Negro banks and insurance companies, the pride of the followers of Washington, h ave crashed: the two largest Negr o banks, the Binga State a nd the Douglass National; the "Capstone of Negrn business" --the National Benefit Life Insurance Company of Washington. this 11 �and others. The P. & H. Taxi Corporation of Harlt'm. t>mploying 750 workers, saw its last days during the crisis. The capitalist road of advance is now out of the question. The Negro upper class uses this argument in an attempt to win the Negro market. It has nothing in common with the real in· terests of the Negro masses. The Ballot and the Drawing Room In contrast to Booker T. Washington and his followers there arose the group ~f middle-class reformers. They were not and are not today entirely opposed to Washinoton's philosophy. We have in mi?d ~specially the founders and ~resent-day leaders of such orgamzatlons as the National Association for the Advance· ment of .. Colored People and the Urban League. We say t~ey are not entirely opposed to Washington and the T?skegee idea for they only objected to Washington's counsel that it would be extreme folly to agitate for social equality. They, however, accepted the basic part of the bootstrap lifters' -program; they ac~e~ted ~apitalism. On the basis of capitalism, it seems to them, it is still possible to make economic headway. !he N.A.A.C.P. began on a wave of resentment and anger agamst Bo_oker T. Washington's betrayal of the fight for equality. Beca_use, hke Washington, the N.A.A.C.P. accepted capitalism, ·it rec~ived ~he suppert of members of the white ruling class who behe_ved m Feform. The basic idea of the reformers is that it is possible to change capitalism for the better, that within the limits of the rresent system, by peaceful and gradual methods, it will he possible to do away with the oppression 0 £ the Negro peoplt>. But actual e~~nts have shown these people to be completely ~ro_ng. Conditions are actually growing much worse unrlt>r cap· 1tahsm.. The e~reme exploitation of the Negro workers ancl ~armers is not hem~ done away with; on the contrary, it is bt>in? mcreased. Acts of v10lence against l'grot>s ha,·e multiplit>d. The methods of the N.A.A.C.P. have proved to be treacherous. The leaders of the organization are afraid to arouse mass move· ments. They prefer to meet representatives of the rulino class in the drawing room and make compromises with them. T~o recent cases show this plainly. In the Crawford case, where the Negro defendant was charoed with the murder of a white farm family in Virginia, the N.A. A.C.P. made an agreement with the prosecution as a result of 12 which Crawford was sent to prison for lift>. It turned out t]iat Dean Houston of Howard University, who acted as defense lawyer for the N.A.A.C.P., did not t>ven try to pro\'e the innocence ~f Crawford althouoh there was plenty of evidence to show _this. • e 1tted The case was carrit>d on quit>tly, no mass protest was perm • the sentence was not even appealed. From the very bt>oinning of the famous Scottsboro Case the N.A.A.C.P. attemptel to wrest the case from the hands of _the mass defense movemt>nt. They waged a bitter s~ruggle a~a1: ~ the International Labor Defense and the Commumsts. Why· cause they were afraid of the mass movement which had been aroused. They wanted to have quiet sessions with the Alabama lynchers, fix up the case behind the scenes. This would have meant sacrificing the lives of some of the nine Scottsboro boys and prisor, terms for the rest. The I.L.D., however, fought th: Alabama n'Ch courts and mobs, made the case known aroun the worla, roused millions of people. They fought not only for the lives of the boys but also for the right of Negroes to serve on juries in the South and other rights of Negroes. As a result of this method of fighting, the lives of the boys have been snatched from the electric chair four times. One of the principal lessons to he gained fro~ the fi~ht f~r the Scottsboro boys is this: It is possible to ohtam oertam vic· tories from the ruling class, but not by cringiilg, Uncle ~om ~r Judas methods. The only way such victories can be obtamed is bv rousinfusing to accept sops. · The r~former; have ~till another idea. They have a great reverence for the ballot, they think it can produce wonders. The leaders of the Socialist Party still cling to this old fairy-tale. The workers, they say, can elect themsehes into power an~ then peacefully bring about a change in capitalism. But what '.f thf" capitalists refust> to abdicate? Tht>v reply: "Well see then:' The miracle of the ballot! If the ballot can clo all they say it can how are the Negroes going to use it when 4,000,000 Negroes, eligible to vote, are disfranchised _? W~t>ll two o~t of thre; Negro eligible voters are not even permitted mto a votmg booth· We say that Negroes must have this right to vote, as w~ll as the other rights of citizenship. We must fight for these nghts. We say that the workers and the oppressed masses should u~ the ballot, the right of free speech and assemhl y, to elect theu 13 �ow~ representatives, and create their own organi~tions. We fight agamst every effort to take these rights away. But at the same time we emphasize that capitalism cannot be done away with by the ballot. We believe in using elections and_ our re?re~ntatives in elected bodies to rally the people a~~mst ~ap1tahsm. As long as capitalism permits the rights of citizens~1p,_ the working class should use these rights against the cap1tah~ts: ~ut anyone who tells you to depend upon the ballot and c1v1_l n~ht~ for your dt>fen:-:f' is betraying you. for, as has h:ippen~d m Gnmany, in Italy and in Austria, the capitalists take these rights away, forbid the right of free press, free assem· bla~e, free speech and the vote. And what then? Does not the rulmg class in the United States more and more deny the rights of citizenship to workers, have they not 1thyays denied these rights to Negroee? The "Race Criers": Black Patriotism Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, former editor of The Crisis who recently departed from the N.A.A.C.P., is today the clearest and foremost ~xpo~ent of Black Patriotism and race solidarity. We will exam· ine his arguments one by one, for they are the most complete and he!lt arguments for this point of view. We will then show how ~angerou~ such ideas are to the strug~le for Negro freedom. F,r3 t arg~ment: The Negro upper class, says Dr. DuBois. is not an exploiter of Negro labor. We have already shown that this is not true. It is rnrrect that th~re are very few Negro manufacturers or large landowners ~ho hire labor and exploit Negro workers directly. But there ~8 ~ Negr~ uppn class which lives by means of segregation. It 1s 1~ the mterest of this class to defend seare ..ation or tlw \·erv basis of _Negro business would be wiped ou;, On th: other hand, segregation is the worst feature of the oppression of the Negro massee. It is in the best interests of these masses to wipe out segregation. The interests of the masses and of the Negro upper cl ass cl~sh. In orde_r to obtain real equality, which means doing away ~1th s~gregalton, it is necessary to fight not onl y against the white rulmg c:la~s hut against the Negro upper class as well . Furthermore. tl 1s clear that the interests of the Negro upper class are the same as those of the white rulina class. Both classes wish to maintain segregation, and with i~ the basi~ of ~egro oppression. This unity of interest is shown clearl v in' 14 . action. On many occasions we have seen the so-called "respectable leaders of the race" openly cooperating with the ruling class. Second argument: The members of the Negro upper class, says Dr. DuBois, "bear the brunt of color prejudice because they express in word and work the aspirations of all black folk for emancipation." He goes on to claim the Negro upper class as the leader of the Negro people towards a new future. We know that a class which lives from crumbs off the table of American bia business of the Rockefellers and the Fords, which 0 ' accepts capitalism as the basis for its own existence, can not lead a strenuous and militant struggle for Negro liberation. But DuBois tries to dress this cringy warrior in shining armor, for he fears another class. He fears the working class. The workers as a class are the only consistently revolutionary class in present..day society. If properly organized and led, th~ can stop the wheels of industry. They are like an army: big industry has thrown the workers together, in large disciplined · masses. They organize in unions to fight for better conditions. To win better conditions they must fight against the capitalists. This struggle develops into a struggle against capitalism itself. The workers are the only class with the power to overthrow capitalism and build a new society. T hey lead the rest of the exploited population to this goal. It has been one of the most inspiring facts of recent history in the United States, that the white workers have begun to overcome white prejudices and lead in the struggle for Negro rights. This is in part due to the economic crisis. As they have lost their jobs, as their conditions have grown steadily worse, they have seen the necessity of uniting with their fellow black workers aga inst the employers. But it is also because of the fight of the Communists against prejudice and for working class solidarity and Negro rights. In the last six years, since 1929, the following high Iy significant events have occurred: A share-croppers' union, under Communist leadership, has been organized in Alabama and other Southern states, with a membership, at the time of writing, of close to 10,000 members. This is the first time that such a large and fighting union of share-croppers has been ahle to exist, to lead struggles against the plantation masters and to continue to grow. The Communist Party has been organizing white and Negro 15 �workers in the South. As a result, the feeling for solidarity has grown even in the American Federation of Labor Unions in ~e South, as, for instance, in the United Mine Workers of America in the Birmingham region. Under the leadership of the Communists, a mighty stru.g~le for Negro rights is being waged in the South. The outstanding example of this is the Scottsboro Case. In the North, largely as a result of Communist policy and agitation, larger and larger numbers of Negro workers are pa~t· icipating in the labor movement. There is a growing solidar~ty of white and Negro workers in the fight for unemployment m· surance ~d relief and in the struggles of the trade unions. This movement of solidarity and of unity has also been joined by Negro intellectuals, teachers, doctors and other professionals, who have left the reformers and understood the need of a revo· lutionary struggle against capitalism. Dr. DuBois expresses the fear of the Negro upper class for this movement. He is in favor of "race" solidarity and opposes the solidarity of white and Negro labor, which he tries to prevent. Third argument: He uses an old weapon of the white ruling class. He tries to turn the anger and resentment of the Negro masses not against the white capitalists and the Negro Uncle Toms, hut against the white workers. The exploitation of the Negro workers, in Dr. DuBois' own words, "comes not from the black capitalistic class hut from the white capitalists and equaUy from the white proletariat". He goes even further_, charging th~ white workers with causing the "lowest and most fatal degree of the suffering of Negro labor. The prejudice of the white workers, according to Dr. DuBois, is inborn and cannot be changed. The white workers cannot be trusted. They are the enemies of the Negro masses. To believe Dr. DuBois means to give up all hope of liberation. It cannot he denied that race prejudice exists among large sections of the white workers. On many occasions, white workers have participated in acts of discrimination against Negroes. But, any sensible person will ask, what is the cawe of this prejudice? Is it instinctive and unchangeable? We have already seen that race prejudice arises like a stench from the plantation system and from capitalist exploitation. We have seen that capitalism has fostered this prejudice in order to 16 . . . f l ~ om mas,;es and prewnl the mamtam the oppre,-~ 1011 0 . 1 H' ' r,.. B t . ha,·r also ,-c-en that unity of the whitc- workers with I IJt'm.l lu \\ke und ..... the "hill· . f d . I t lC )aC · of thr and temporary " pro!-prri't Y" 'and I :Y t ir . np £'.the workers ha d. American Fedt'ration of Labor. T 115 ,-Pct10n ° 1 . ll bein" and d ·. f peqwtua \\e ~ het>n lull<'d lo slt·ep by the IP,un °] b.. n-"tli ·un Green, Mat· . , t1ie treacherou,- promises o f p l' ,"H'<' ·· · ma, f' ·' " • .· under . I pon the com1itions . But prejudice t:lion o t . r. wor I .- d the Ne"ro . I I . .. · IT il'- att1tuc e tow,u s " ,, c or,,, I ... Proof r ,.. . I ll · ck" ,,f thr emp O)e11;. to defend th<·m,-dws a•Talll!-l lie 3 ' 1 · · . · .J strikes "' f 1 . ,r.,an I zallon anu of thi s is th<' ITreal wave o trac l ' unw11 ( " i:• 19:Y' which lwcran lo sweep the country m · .:>. b k ··,rd ,ecti11n "' f . I , 110'-'t ac ", · Thr Soutlwr11 workn;:. "l111 ,11111 llH I f. •rwntions most . .01·k·111 -1-t ... , h l\t' 1r1·11 or gt · ' f of the J\ nwrwan \\ /! < • • · • ' • • . N! , · the cour:-r o . . 1 1 ·11 .. . 111TJ lld1n'. ' O\\. 111 I per,-1!"lc-nlh 111cu i.:at,·c 111 1 r.H' . l . . ti , ·u e dn-e · . f I . ' ·t 1lw1r c,p n1lPrs If'~ ' . a nrowi11g W,l\·c n strugµ ,, aµair,.. \I ti .111 .111 yonc cl,:e, ~ 1· 1 · .· 1 th, Ncu-rn 1111rkrr,-;. or<' 1• ' · I opm~ !'O II anty II I 1 I 1 ·o . . ,· I' 'l' alll!l,...ro was nr!"l'~!",ll"~ I(, ' ,,·g,t , nize to!!;{'1hrr , 1i th<'w Woll. and their cohorts. ·r, . ., ~:l �==------ - - the same unions. For during the great railway shopmen's strike in 1922 their union had been smashed by the employers simply because the_union had refused admittance to the molder's helpers, who were l\egroes. When the strike broke cut. man v of the Negro workers saw no reason for helping the white wo~kers who had refused to admit them into the union and fi. (Yht for their demands. The result was that the employers now plu~ed the Neo-ro helpers in the molder's jobs, at lower wao-es of course and broke both 0 the strike and the union. ' But these white molders in their discussions with the Com· munist organizer, objected to social equality. One conversation ran somewhat as follows: White worker: I don't like Negroes, and I don't see why I .s hould sit beside one at a meeting or 0 11 a street car. Communist: Now you agree that white and Neo-ro workers shoul~ orga~ize together ~n the same union . Lt>t us i~agine that there 1s a stnke. There will he a strike committee. On this strike committee there will be both white and Neo-ro workers for es· peciall ~ in time of struggle we mu~t keep our ~ a nks united'. !"trong. . White worker : That's right. We'll have to keep our picket Imes strong, and slop any white or Negro scabs. Communist: It will he necessary for this strike committee to meet almost continually. You will not be a ble to meet in a public ha ll, for thugs and the poli<.:e ma)' be aftl'r you. and you cannot afford to ha ve the leadership of the strike put out of commission. You m~y have to meet in your own house, perhaps. W htte worker: Yes, if there is no other way out. Communist : Your home is small. You will have to use your largest room, the parlor. You will have Negroes in your p arlor, for you cannot Pxclude Negroes fro m the strike committee meet· ing. The str ikr is the_ most important th ing. This strike ma y be a very hard one. Durmg the most crucial time, it may be neces~ary lo mee~ late into the night, a nd go into action again earl y m the mormng. Some of the Negro members of the Com mittPe may live in the opposite end of town. They cannot go home. They may have to stay over. Wou ld you deny them the hosp ita lity of your home? Social eq uality, you see, becomes a necessity of the strike, of the class struggle. If you do not practice thi~ social equality, you will lost> the ;;upport of the Negro worker;; an d thP strike will be lost. 18 The white workers were a little taken aback. They thought it was driving things a little too far, although they could ~ot deny the logic of this argument. When in the local ele~hon campaign the Communist Party ran a Negro worker. as candidate for Mayor, these white molders refused to mee~ with the Communist organizer. But their attitude changed qmckly enough. Shortly after, the city cut down on relief. The Unemployment Council and the Communist Party called for a demonstratrnn of protest. Fully five thousand workers, both whites Ne~roes, responded. But the police broke up the demonstration immediately beating uo one of the speakers and arresting three. The • . to t he Unemp Ioyment workers' wera incensed. Large numbers came Council hall which could seat no more than 100 persons. On !11e long wooden benches were seated white and Negro workers s~de by side talking excitedly about their experiences, and cursmg . common ' . and the city · a dm'm1stra · f10n. And m terms the police talking just as excitedly with a group of Negro workers were some of these white molders whom it had been so hard to con· vince. The actual facts of life, their common experienoes with the Negro workers, had brought them together. · · 1s · h m"lt· P reJ·udice This is the way workmg class so I'd I anty may remam but it becomes less important, is superseded by the needs of the' daily struggle. The white workers will overcome _the hindrance of prejudice, because they must do so in order to l~ve. Now, Dr. DuBois, in rousing the enmity of ~~ Negroe~ ag~m.~t the white workers, as do other upholders of race sohd~nty , helps to prevent this unity. He takes advantage of the distruSt of whites which has been imbedded in the hearts of the Negroes by long years of oppression. He fans and builds this distrust. The conclusion: And what is the solution proposed by Dr. DuBois? · I "The only thing that we not only can, hut must do, 1s vo untarily and insistently to organize our economic and social power, no malter how much segregation is involved." Now if this is not an outspoken defense and support of segregation we do not know what is. Negro salva ....:-::.i is to come-· through ' segregation, the watchword of th e parasites among the Negro people! We have not much 10 add about the new Garveyites, about the movement led by the "Black Hitler" Sufi, the exponents of an? 19 �the 49th State and other similar race movements. They are all based_ on the same ideas expressed so well by Dr. DuBois. Whether it be a return to Africa or the creation of a 49th state for Negroes o: some other such Utopian, unrealizeable schemes, the~e provide no way out for the Negro masses. These plans a 7sume suppo1rt and cooperation of t~e white ruling class. They ~1stra~t the_ N_egro masses from effechve struggle against American 1mpena~1sm. T~ey lead deeper into the dangerous net of r~ce segregahon, which satisfies only the present interests of the Negro upper class and the ruling class of the country. These movem~nts towards race segregation have recently had a ~ew lease on life. They have grown as a result of the crisis which has ru~ned many Negro middle class people, who are desper~tely seekmg a way out. The increased persecution and terror agamst the Negroes has fanned this movement. Many participate because they honestly believe that this is the way out. . Among 1;he new movements of this character are those which aim to obtam "1' ob . . s f or Negroes" . Among these are the Costini movement m Baltimore. the Negro Alliance in Washinaton D.C., an~ the 143.215.248.55 moveme11t in Harlem. These movemen~s ;onfine their_ ~cllv1lles to individual establishments in the Negro communities. So small and few are these business houses, that it is clear that they could onlv, provide a 1·1m1"ted num b er o f JO · b s f or N 1 egro workers and would in no way help solve the problem of mass_ une:nployment. These movements, then, have the effect of hmdenng the struagl · o e f or unemp Ioyment insurance for all workers and for adequate r el'1ef . They sh unt this · struggle mto · a closed alley. . But juSt as dangerous to the real interests of the Nearo masses 1s the · strength enmg · ': . effect , of this movem en t m separation of the wlute and N:gro workers. For the leaders advocate the replacem~nt of white ~orkers employed in Negro neighborhoods. In this_ way they. d1rect the resentment of the Negro workers not rtgamst t~e rulmg class but against the white workers. Instead we should duect all our efforts towards the organization of the Negro wo_rkers together with the white, the opening of the doors of all um?ns to Negr~es, equal opportunities for jobs in white as well as m Negro ne1.ghborhoods, and to obtaining adequate insurance for the unemployed from the Federal Government. Another movement especially dangerous at this time is the 20 Pacific Movement of the Eastern World, which has as its main slogan: "United Front of Darker Races tnder Leader~hip of Japan." The agents of the Japanese ruling class have organized and sponsored this movement in the Cnited States. Their p~rpo~e is to try to create difficulties for the ruling class of Amcnca ill case of a war between Japan and the United Stales. Such a w:•r is n11w very possihle-a war between two brigands for the spoil!! and riches of the East. But the Japanese ruling class is no mort> a friend of the Negro than is the ruling class of the l_;nited States. The Japanese capitalists have not hesitated to subdue and rule Korea with an iron hand although the Koreans art' a colored people. They have made all haste to grab Manchuria and other sections of Northern China. They carry on a rrlentless w~r against the Chinese people. They are now intriguing even 111 Africa and ar1\ penetrating the Philippine hlands with the purpose of seizing territory there ali;;o. At tlw same time, the lap· ane;.e rulino-r class is carryina on the mo1et ruthlt•ss kind of ter· ,., ror against _he toiling masses of Japan, suppressing tracle union:and peasants' organizations, ~mashing str-ikes, etc. In this strucrale between the J. ap,rncse and Arnerican ruling ""' . class for the division of the East and for the right to exp Iotl additional masses of toilers, we side with neither. We wish for the defeat both of the Japanese and of the Amt'rican ruling class. We wish to see then, both o,·erthrown; capitali,-m in ]dpan as ":ell as in the United States destroyed. Our task is to fight agmn~t American imperialism, ju:' t as the task of the Japanese workt·rs 15 to struggle against Japanese imperialism. Japanese capitalism is now one of the principal enemi~s of the Soviet Union. It is seizing additional territory in North China in ord r to be better prepared for a war against the So· \'iet l!nion. Japanese statesmen freely admit this. Japanese Lrnops an conc1:P'rate in the hands of the toilers. Colored peoples of all races }iye in the territory of the :,o\'icl l.'nion. The~ 1wuplPs enj oy the fullest et\ualit\' and frpcdom. Any act or exprr,a!-inn nf race prejudice 1~ r.onsiclcred a crime. Thei;;e facts ha\'t' !wen fully confirmed by sue.:-, pt'ople a!' Paul Robe;;.on and 21 �other prominent Negroes who have either visited or who live and work in the Sovirt l :nio n. Robinson. a Negro mechanic, i!' a member of thP :\1oscow SoviPL th<> chiPf o-overnmental bodv of the capital of the Soviet Union. The S1)\'iet o-~vernment has re~ouncr cl all t_he specia l pri\·ilrges formerly held by the Tsar in China. Persia, Turkey and o thn Ea$lern countries. And yet the _agent~ of JapanP!"e capitalism are spread in~ the lie that the Sonet Un10n 1s one of those "white nation!"" whi ch seeks to dominate the col o red proples of the world! From Dr. DuBois throug h the new editions of Gar\'n and tht' intrig ur.s of J aparw,-e rapitalisb there runs a common streak: race loya lty,· race solidarity, race patriotism! Will these so lve thf' problem of th_r. Ne~ro people? For a reply one need only ask: Has S<'gregat1on solved this problem? Is it not true that segrr.gation is the prohl r.m, the ve rv thino which has to be wiped out? And th~sr $avior;o propn!-1' · to he~p still more and e1·er more segregation upon u;. ! The Threat of Fascism of th,• lead in!! fa1ci~t journals in Germ1\uy say~: In each NPgro, en~11 in one of thr. kindest disp11sition is the latt>nt brutr and thr prilllitive man who can be ta med nr itlwr ~y r.e 11 turit•s of !"la vc ry nor by a n e xterna l varni;;h of civiliza tion. All ~s,-i~i lation, a ll ed ucati on is bound to fail on accc,unt of the racial inborn fea ture:; of the blood. One can therefo r«" undrrstand wll\' in the Soutl l [ f 11 • . _ .. . 1crn $ a tes o .·, men ca] sheer nt'CT"· si~y compe ls the white _r;i.ce to act in an abhorrent, and perh,1p,e\rn c ruel m,11111L·r a"'am"l the Nc"roes A J f f c• o . 111 , o eo urse, mosl u h N t e 1 «"~roes ~hat ar: IvnchPd do not meri I all\- r t>!!re t." Spokenhke a _Kleagle of ~hP Ku Klux Kiani This expres.S'eS the thrrat of fa scism to the J\e,.ro <11 ou) ) ·1 t h L' · .1 . o ~ c I cnme o t e •n ll t:11 Stairs. 1 he co un trv. wou ld br.· nnt- rl u m a· m · o f th r '-Upe r- K K K . 1'he 1N'e<> ro would be the ,-11· •f ·· · f f · - · · : r ~ 1, \ 1ct1m u a,;c1:::t per;;ecul1011 · and murder. Lvnchin 1 spar t o f tne 1. ·. "'o- would bPcome the n a 11ona f . asc1st mercrnanes. Already tht- budclino- fa'-cJ·'-t · 1· · . o - - orgamza 1011~ m th . into their is country have t, . wnttrn the dci:tradation of the Neoro prowam as t I1cir most sacrrd princip lr. F_a:<=ism is rapidly growing in the l:nited States toda,. As cond1t1ons grow worse, as the masses of people become · more and more dissatisfied and st>ek a way out of the misen· impc,1-ed ~ Ill' 22 . by capitalism, the capitalists turn to th e road qf fascism. It i~ the last line of trenches for capitalism before the onru:;h of the · re \•olutionary army. When fascism comes rnto power, a·:s wr ;,ee in the fascist countries of Europe, the last liberties are taken away from the masses. The trade unions and all independent organizations of the masses are smashed; only governm~nt or co~pany unions and fascist organizati ons are permitted. An open dictatorship of the capitalists rules the country. One can well imag ine what the lot of the Negro people would be u nd e r s uch a dictatorship. Under President Roosevelt, the road is being pa\·ed for fa~cisrn. With the help of the N.R.A. labor boards, the attempt I!! heing made to force the workers into company unions, to abrogate the right to strike, or to place the unions entire ly under government control. More and more power has been concentrated into the hands of the President who turns more directly to the hiuh financial moguls of Wall Street for his orders. There are ra;id preparation~ for war and increased propaganda of nationalism and patriotism. But the President a nd his aides carry out these policies under cover of man y phrases and promises a bout helping the people. The people are radica l-minded ; Roosevelt, therefore, uses some radical phrases. This al so i!" a method of the fascists, who have made demagogy a supreme art. He talks about .chasing the 1111111ry-dianµ;ers from tht> lt'mple , but aicls big business. But there are othr.rs with their ears close to the ground who · the use o f anti-cap1 · ·1a ISt Iango even further tha n Roosevelt m g uag<'. Thest> are the budding fascist leaders, like Father ~oughlin, ·W illiam R. Hearst and Huey Long. Father Coug~~m an~ Huey Long are clever men who talk about the inequalities an injuMict>s of cap italism and because of this get a ready response from m any people who do not yet understand how to do away with these injustices. Hearst throughout his whole life h~s ~een a \·irio us enemy of the workers and a loyal defender of cap1tahs;Hc realizes th;,t thr. Coug:hlin and Long methods are today t e · to pro 1ong t h e 1·f ·sm · He therebest 1\ a\" 01• trnng 1 e o f capi·tal 1 . f fore supports thcr~ and offers them the services of his cham 0 anti -labor newspapers. But it wa,; with language s~ch as these men use that Hitler built his fascist storm troops m Germany. Hitler obtained his funds from the biggest industrialists and finan- r 23 �cier>- of Germany, just as C't'rtnin bi!! liankers in the tnitecl States are today beginning to suppo;t budding fascists in the l :nited States. Hitler also talked about limiting fortunes, doing away with unemployment, re-dividing wealth. et~. But these only remained empty promises after he came into power. That Huey Long, a representative of the plantation masters 01 the South, that Father Coughlin, linked to Wall Street through the Committee for the Nation, that Hearst, the kina of anti-labor and anti-Negro propagandists, should have to talk ~"ainst ouManding evil~ of_ cap!talism in order to save it shows on: i,nportant thing. ~ap1t~lt~m is on the brink of destruction. People nu longer believe m 1t. The turning point in history has come. The mas!:ies of Negro people certainly have no desire to see the rresent system of society in the United States continue. It has meant more suffering and slavery for them than for any other section of the population. What are the important chano-es which have to he made? How can they be made? " II. THE NEGRO AND REVOLUTION Two Revolutions in One . The pro~lem of Negr_o liberation has two aspects. The first the question of equality, Here we ask: what must be done to re~ove the basis of _the special persecution and oppression of t~e Negro people, to wipe out lynching, segregation, sucial ostra· c1sm as well as extra-exploitat_ion on the land and in industrv? The sec_ond is common to all w~rkers and exploited, whether they be white or Negro. Here we ask: what must be done to wipe out wage-slavery, unemp loyment , pO\·erty, crises and war? . These quest10ns are not entirely separate, but are connected with each other. We s~all first consider each separately and then show how the solulton for the first flows into the solution for the second. JS The Rebellion of an Oppressed Nation Th~ special oppress.ion of the Negro people in the United States 1s due to the firmly _rooted remainders of chattel slavery. Every one know:s. that while chattel slavery was abolished as a result of the Civil War, freedom-such as even the white workers have under capitalism-did not take its place. Elements of the old chattel slave system remain 10 this very day. 24 \ ~ These remainders of chattel sla,·ery can be te tran~fonm1ti on. howe, er. 11·i II not come o,·rrn11?"ht and can be succe!'sful onlv as thr result of organiwtion. preparation and proper leadership. Tlw rapid ~rowth of the Share-Croppers Union of Alabama and of the Te1,ants' Union of Arkansas shows that the situation i!' ripe for rapicl organization. This land revolution will also be joined by the hundreds of thousands of white share-croppers and poor farmers who ha~e suffered from the plantation and credit system. They, too, will 2.S �the neGessity of throwing the large landowne rs off their back:!, escaping from the t.yranny of the credit masters and the usun·rs, and of giving land to the landless. Seventy-five years ago, the North went to war i11 orJer to destroy the power of the slaveowners. That. too, was a re rnlution. But it was not "finished. Our task is to finish it. But the revolution will not stop with the seiiure of the land. That will just he the beginning of a complete, really basic change in the homeland of lynch terror. For just consider where this land revolution will take place: precisely in the plantation country, where the l\egroes are today the most oppressed ~ction of the population and wlwre they form the majority of tht~ population. Let us imagine such a revolution taking place in the Mississippi River Delta. Here there are huge plantations. In ~ome counties the Negroes are as high as 90 and 95 per cent uf the total population; throughout this area they are not less than 60 per cent. With the power of the plantation owners destroyed, a new kind of government will he set up by the farmers and the "orkers in this territory. For the first time Negroes and op· pn·ssed "poor'" whites will really enjoy democracy. The Negroes "·ill play the leading role both in the land revolution and in the rww revolutionary governments. The same will occur throughout the plantation area-from southea!'lern Virginia, down through the Carolina,- ,and central Ceorgia, a<.:ro!',- Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, rcachin~ even into Arkansa~ and parts of Tennessee and Texas. Now will be 1ho opportunit~ to reall y e~tablish the basis of Negro £rcedu111. This land, on which the 1\egroes h ave been e nslaved for genera· tiomi, can then Le made into a free land. It can he proclaimed as a new country, in which the land has been freed from thr exploiters, where the majority-the l\egro people-rule with the cooperation of the white :nasses in the territory. The white mas~s on the land will support this new govern_n ient for it will mean that their right to land is also recognized, that for the fir~t time they, loo, will have the benefits of free f>Ublic school 1•«lucatio11, frt>edom from usury, etc. The old South "'·ill no longn remain . The :\egrncs will come into their own. The real test of freedom for the Negro people in the Black Belt lies in their right to self-determination. Unless they can chose freely fur themselves what the relationship of this new 11ee 26 . S h le they will not government will he to the Umted tales as a w O , • . · power in Washmgton h e free. If the capitalists are st1·11 m h h "'e ·11 d try to crus t e recan rest assured that t h ey w1 oppose an d f l hellion of the I\e"ru people. The Negro people nee pfowefr u . c, d d f d th . revolution or ree· a 11 1es to carry throu"h an to e en is . l . h o ll . th workmg c ass, t e dom. They will have such an a Y 111 e . f h d secllons o t e leading force in the struggle,; o f a 11 oppresse 1 . t" population of the United States ,1gain,-t capitaliSt · exp tta 1~· \\·e must now conside r tlw rt·1·1ilutio11 which will ta e P acll1::o, an upo11 the private 01, 111'r,;h1p o mac mes, .ic , . _ . 'fh n'- nf product inn a1 e and a ll ntlier means of productw n. e men . · I · 1· ·t" The come the proper!~ 0 110 -e ' . mone , with the land. etc.. while the workers do not h a,e th e ff ) C ]. · C . .. of people su er. 0 which to buy thrm. n ;;es occu r, masSt.::, . f fit. . 1·1s I po,\.e r "· m a race or pro on ies arc seized bY Ihe 1:ap1tn and b ooty Capital'i:-m (Yivcs birth to war. . f Onlv o~1e thin!! can l ,. meet th" ? . ou sue a as1c change would im' oppos1t10n of the c api't a 1·i:,,ts . an d tI1eir . :,tale ~ . owE>r Th" · ..:t P · b J ate power consistc; t l Of h . ernment but of th h - no on Y t e bodws of 0uov' e army, t e police th Pxpropriate the cap1'tal1' st·~ th e wor k·e rs, fi. e t courts. InJ' order to d existina o-ovE>niiii~iit m 1 . d rs nee to 1sca rd the ot-> , ae1:11eryan t - · · · /!11,·e rnme11t. Sud1 a r~·.- l t' o rnsl1tute a workmg class . ~·o u ion was '-Ul'l'e ·sf 11 . d h h · 191-, 111 Ruc.-.iJ 1 d h l · · · · s- u Y• carne t rouo-0 , .un er t e ea cl ers h ip --.. . . 11 I o1 the Communist Party. Th S h . . 15 1::- t ie basi c char , from wa.re-slaver)· ·111d fige. uc a r_evolut1on frees the work&s .., ' rom opprC'sc.10n b th . 1· worker,; are in powe r Th . k ,· Y e capita 1sts. The . · c "or er" OO'ovr.r t effort of the ('" Jn ·it ·il ·, .· . t · ·h · nmen suppresses every • ' r ' ~.,,. o restore t e old " t U . workers rrovernmt'lll ·h' h --YS em. nder this new c• ..., I C cru·uanlee th 'd d the masses the bui!J' fc- . . . s e w1 est emocracy for 111 /!." o socialism beo-· . ' 0 I h . . possible to have --ocia I l . oms. n Y t en 1s 1t masses. lo abolish ~nf'm iio an~mg to fill_ the needs of all the But . d I ) mt nt, to abolish war for profit m or er to accomp lish th I • . tlw workers neecJ th . . feh revo ut1on and to def Pnd it t ::, upport o t e O th I . d the population Whi'l, th k er exp oite !'f'ctions of · < <' wor ·prs ar · · · and lead such a rc\·nlution th e m a ~os1t10n to organize selves. They ha vP all. . . hey cannot ~arry it through by them1. The m . f ies m t, e population. These allies are: as::, o µoor and sm ·d I f· h by big busine,-,-, the true. " , ,1r~ers, w o are oppressed th<' middle cla---- in th . L: ~he monopolies and the bankers; also t' c 1t1e~, c.uc li as th t h . . h . .. fess1onals c.mall bu· . · e PC mc1cms, t e pro. ., · ~111c~:-men et -h . italism and who have t' ti: c., ..., _o art' suffering from cap· 2 Th \ E'r~ 1111 i! to ~nm under socialism · e oppn-',-,-pd :\P~ro pPople. · . ~- ~he oppre,;~Pd 1woµ les of th 1\ .·. . Phil1ppme Island-. r 1 · l ~ thmri 1cm colo111es-the ' . • \. U ,a, l'tc- ·in< of ~ dC who are undn the dumin · t· ·· ' f h · ou_ an entrnl America Among the . a ion " t_ l' capitali st,- of thP l '.S. most ,.mportant al h es 1if· I k. • t ze u:or ·mg class is the Negro peoplP. ;,, the , _, -, d S . ·· (. m e tares Th 1._ f t d · tht' 1 . f · - ac etermmes the re1atrn11 hetwef'n \\n aspectc. o tlw . . I · . . oµi11 :l· i11 thi~ countn· · lt'\o utiun wl11ch is devel- The Combination of Two Revolutions The rl'rnlutio11 for L11cl anan greater freedom for the ~egroes and a serious weakeninu- of the power of capitalism in the country as a whole. All Cu~1munists would defend the rig.ht of the Negro people to make their choice. . r Second: The proletarian revolution may overthrow capita ism and establish a So,iet Government for the country as a whole before the revolution comes to a head in the Black Belt. However it must be kept in mind that the two phases of the revolu· tion will no1 develop separately. Thus, while the_ worker~ are leadina the onslau he proceeding in the South. But once the workers come to power in the United States the rernlution for land and freedom will be hastened and completed. One of the first steps of the - .. ·11 l- t t the riaht of self· 11" o gran e centra I !'iov1et go\'nnment w1 elermmat10n to the Negro peop e in t e ac · Be t. - ---·- - 31 �h the workers and peasants troops of the foreign powers and w ere S · li'st Soviet gov· . esta bl'1sh'mg autonomous f ocia had succeeded ID d ated themselves · nts at once e er ernments, these S oviet gove:rnme . Onl as the revolution to the central Russian Sov~et Republic.the c:unter-revol utionary developed in the other regions and as S . t vernments estab· intervention armies were defeated, were ovife got 1 Russia gave . th h th k'ng class o cen ra 1ished f th outlying regions there. Al oug e wor i 1 direct aid to the struggle of ~e peop eths O e ter -revolutionists, . th . t· arnnes and e coun . agamst e mterven ion "th the other Soviet none of these regions was forced to fe~er~te w;f the Soviet Union Republics. To this very day, the c?nst~tution all the nations at permits the right of self-determmation to This would mean that thr :'.e;!r<> peopl e in the Black Belt will have the ri ght to choosr for them!-elves Lrlwt>rn fr.deration wi.th or srparation from tht · l" nit r d States as a whole. The S onet Power, the workt>r;; and their µ:ove.rnm ent. will µ:uarante e thi,right : First, becau,-e tlwre will be no reason for th e forcihlf' anne xation of the l\egro Republic. With the o\·erthrow of capitalism, the basis of all exploitation will ha\e been eliminated, thesebv al,-o thP. ba,-is for th f' exploitation and oppression of th e ~e~ro · people. SPrn11d. the fr ee union of p,..oples on the basi,- of equality is possible only through free choice arrived at by tlw majori ty of the people. The very fa ct that the victorious workin g clas!'- and its Soviet l!overnmrnt would guar;-intce compl ete anrl unlimi tPcl freedom of choice would in it!'-e lf he a guaranlt•t> of freedom in thr full sen!'-e of the word. Undt>r sur h cirr um sta111 ·1•,th e Negro Comrnuni !-ts would urg1• and fight for frdrration with the Sovi et republic of the Vnited States, for this course would bP to the best intere:sts of the Negro peopl e and all workers. 111 th e event , how1· v1:r, that th e choice is aµ: ain st federation-the Communi st Party and the Soviet gon•rn1111·nt would respect th,. will of the Nr g ro pcnplr. I n st;i ti11 0 our po~iti on on thi s q11e~ tio11, " a rr ;ruidcd no t only by tlw th r orf'li cal prin ciplrs of the Communi ~t Part y hut a lso hy th r actua l n w ri Pm:c of th f' Ru!-~ian Hl·voluti on. Hure a num hrr of rl n 1: lop n· ·11ts in th r solution of the qu Pstion ot' sclfdd rr rni11 ati 1,n 11P" fll P l i,·1·1I. llu t tlw rt · \ olut io n di d IH•t rlr·\·d op 1•\·r nl v 1·\·1·n wh,·rr . 1 · nde r thr,-c· r· irn1rn!-la11 rrs. h o w w ;1,th<' '.lu<·!'ti on of sl' lf-d,·tPrmi nation ;;1·1Ll1•rl 't T he fi r~t act 1,f ll w Sovi Pt Co V('l'IIJn f' ll t wa ,- I n i,;stw a d, ·n, ·1· µ-rant ing thl'. ri ght of ~1·lf-d1·tn rni11 ation I n all till' nati ou -- of tl w fo rm<' r Hu ,-~ ian 1·mp irc a11rl full 1·1pial r i;r ht~ within th,• F,·dn al1 ·d Sovif't H1•p11 J.li es. 111 th11~p rt';_!11111,- whi('h wr· r,• not 111·1·11pi1·d ln~2 present in the Union. ts In some regions the There were also other developmenf · . ry leaders who . d h . ft ence o reactiona people were still un er .t e ID u Either the proletarian revoWere supported by foreign powers. . t yet strong enough lution was suppressed or the proletariat was n? 1 aders to cafry . . h nor mdependent enough f rom the bourgeois e Finland wh1c . . Such a case was ' through the revolution to victory. E . Towards the end at one time was a part of the Russiand ms;redomination of the of the World War Finland came F~ .e~ ~ing class sup pressed German Army' with wh~se aid the IDn~sher an indep endent ~ethe proletarian revolution and estabhs . ts Did the Soviet public under the domination of the cathpitaUis . . of Soviet Re. . I d ·nto e ruon Government try to force f 1D an i h . of the Council · 8 the c airman Le publics? On the contrary, nm, a . R bl · himself per· of People's Commissars of the So~et ~~nish Republic sonally acknowledged to a representat~ve o i:m official sanction the right of that countr y to secede an gave r tt to do so. h S lny " said Lenin " I very well remember the scene at t echa:~r t~ Svinkhovod, l ater " when it fell to my lot to grant th~ . who had played the . h bourgeome ' . of th e r·mnis the representauve h d and we pal"d each part of hangman. He amiably shook w': I But it had to be other complimente. Ho~ unth pleabant eoisie falsely persu.aded the done because at that ume e o~rg that the MoecoVlteB . wer:; ted to crush the Finns. people, the toiling masses, to bel_1eve chauvinists and that ·t he Great Russians wan h F' s the th~ d t anted t e mn And if the Soviet Government ha ~o ~ force this would right to secede and attempted to keep t em y uld h' ave looked F · · h masses wo have meant annexation. Th e mms . sor no better than upon the Soviet Government as a foreign oppres ' • 33 \~ �· Tsari!ID. Today, the Finns are under the hard and brutal reac· tionary dictatorship of the Finnish bourgeoieie, but there will be no doubt that once they have overthrown this bourgeoisie there will be no hesitation to federate with the Soviet Union. The Soviet Government and the Communist Party recognized the rights of all the nations which had formerly been oppressed by Tsardom. The Soviet Union is composed of more than 100 different nations and national minorities. The oppression of these nations is now impossible because the masses of that nation which formerly oppressed them have overthrown the bourgeoisie and the landlords and are building socialism. These numerous nations live in complete harmony with each other. They have received direct aid from the Great Russians in building their industry, improving their agriculture and achieving complete economic equality with the other peoples of the Soviet Union. The proletarian revolution first wiped out the basis of national oppression. Then it began rapidly to lay the basis of equality. For many of these formerly oppressed peoples had been retarded and held back by Tsardom. It was necessary to carry through the development of industry and agriculture in the regions where the formerly oppressed nations lived, at even a quicker pace than in Central Russia. We have witnessed here the most rapid development of peoples that all of history can show. Nomadic peop led were lifted out of their backwardness, almost overnight devtl 01-,ed into an industrial and modern agricultural people without h~ ring to go through the stage of capitalism. Cultural development is equally swift. The basis for inequality is rapidly disappearing even in most backward areas. The S'lviet Union has proved the correctness of the Communist program. If in the former "prison of nations", where the question of national liberation and of national prejudices is very much more complicated than in the United States, such signal success has been achieved, can there be any doubt about the realization of equal and even greater success here? The Revolutionary Wey We have seen that only a basic change can guarantee to the Negro the possibility for a decent livelihood, the rights of human beings and an equal, honorable and respected status in all public and social life. The ruling class will not permit such a change. 34 in order to The masses of exploited must ~erefore orgamze rnake use of their right to revolution. h · It is forced Lt f our own c oosmg. Revolution is not a ma er O • d grinds us down upon us by capitalism itself, which degra e; us, exploitation into the dust makes life unbearable. As ong las . ' . d th have been revo ut10ns. ere f human and oppression have existe The revolutionary way has al":ays beehn the u7::f 0 a revolu· . to bemg as t e res . r progress. Cap1ta ism came m bT . Europe. Socialism 1 1 tion against feudalism ~nd the no 1t{ 0 a revolution against came into bt>ing in Russia as the rehsu b" h nd progress of the capitalism. Revolution has marked l _e 1~1 a '"•ary to remove . N 1 voluuon is nece ... li mted States. ow anot ter re f h rogress. But the d ke way for urt er P f . d a ecaymg system an ~a h ther revolutions o 11 0 a new exploiting proletarian revolution differs _from a It hi~ory. All previous revolutions resu _!e ~~e majority of the class coming into power a nd suppres:--lm~ the maJ· ority coming · re,o . lution. .resu ts. m 't . and removmg . the people. Th e pro l etanan into poweT, suppressing the explo1tmg_mmoOn )I then is the poa· n v·., Society, orp;an· · · b11sis of all explo1tat1on an d °ppress1on. . aII cl as;;e. .. · · with · d sibility created for omg 3 " ay . the Sol"iali,at :oystemi1.ed in a new social and eco_n~>m•cf.,,.Y l .sfte~~ bundanee. 1.:an now prov1"de t he nee t' ~·situ•-.•· o I e III a th 'legro been !'tranp;e to e . The revolutionary way has noll . . "tru.,o-les ha\'e glor· , 1 • d St tes He,·o ut1onar y . ,-o I8 µ,•nple in th e L mte ~ a · h courageous strutz!! e itiecl their history. Ha\"e w~ forg143.215.248.55: tt e aaainsl thr sla\"e mer· nf ihr African peoples for ltfe an . 1 er Y1 ~ ? Even the few d h Amencan r o on1es. ·f d1ant;, of Europe an I e d . written history tesll Y inc iden ts which have been presPrv~ Ill ·1gainst Pnslavement find inspiration lo the determined struggle of the egroels • . . The Negro peop e can N t from the very b egmnmg. G b . I Denmark Vesey, a in the revolutionar y attt'mpts of . ah n~ '. the numerous slave 111 Turner and unt o11l tIwu:-,rn Js of h"!' ter,,, h der"round ra1·1 roa d · 1 • l '-It tes and m t e un e l revo lts in the mtel ~ a ' ' l t" nary war of t h e Ame r· 10 · · ted in the revo u Many Negroes partic1pa .. he Civil War itself was a re vo• icun colonies against the Bntish. T h ..,ero ypsterclay chatti>l • a -those W O " " • lution •m which the ,'"eeroes . slaves !-fouaht for land and hherty. I mbattlt>d NeJi;ro 0 c· ·1 w decade when t lt' e • . f That glorious "I ar_ . bloodhounds of reacuon or fought with gun in hand agamsft lthe cl . todav an heroic, revolu• the riahts of citizenship and o un is . " 35 t J. �fore be faced with the need of obliterating this inequality which it will have inherited from capitalism. The fundamental policy of a Soviet Government with regard to the Negro generally would therefore be to create even relatively greater opportunities for advance and progress for the Negro than for the white. Special emphasis would be placed upon training more Negro skilled workers, upon technical and other forms of education, upon inducing larger numbers to take up engineering, science, etc. The technical schools, colleges and universities, most of which are today either out of the reach of or closed to Negroes, would be placed at the disposal of Negroes even to a proportion· ately greater degree than of the rest of the population. This is the only way that special privileges for the whites can be done away with. A Soviet Government must confer greater benefits upon the Negroes than upon the whites, for the Negroes have started witn less. This is the real test of equality. This is the only way that the basis for real equality can be established. Any act of discrimination or of prejudice against a Negro will become a crime under the revolutionary law. The baais of race prejudice and oppression will no longer exist because cap· italimi will no longer exist. But it would be entirely Utopian to believe that the day after the revolution all prejudice will disappear. Capitalism will leave some of it behind like a stench, just like it will leave behind other capitalist ideSB and preju· dicee. But these will be systematically fought by the Soviet Government and the Communist Party until they are extinguished. Then it will no longer be a question of wiping out !he basis for such prejudices, but of merely obliterating the remnants. Social· ism will remake man. To the first generation of new Soviet Americans race prejudice and discrimination will appear like a horrible disease of a past age. In affairs of State, in the political activities of the country, in management, in all phases of public life, with the removal of all discriminations, the Negro will be playing a prominent part, just as Georgians, Tadjiks, Ukrainians, etc., are today among the leaders of the Soviet Union and its Communist Party. The horrors of segregated, over-crowded ghettoes will disappear. All residential sections of the city will be opened to the Negro. There will be no segregated areas. If Negroes wish to remain in Harlem, for instance, they will be perfectly free to S8 �Commercial and Residential Installations and Repairs UNDERWOOD Licensed Electrical Contractor "More Power to You:"= ~ ~ = -~E~L~E~C~T~R~l~ C=C ~ O~M ~P~A~N!Y L =======:::::=:::==---1720 DeKalb A venue, N. E . Atlanta, Georgia 90307 379-5588 Sept.20, 1967 Ivan Allen, Jr., Mayor 3700 Norl hside Drive, N.W. Allan t a, Georgia 30305 Dear Mayor Allen, It was only recently I read t his enclosed book dealing with the problem in our towns. The statemmts made the rein appalled me but, realizing this book was published by the Workers Library Publisher s ( a communist printing com_p3.ny) the statements then came to light to me as I'm sure they will to you. My concern is that a certain minority group in our society is being used and misguided by this conspiracy for the conspiracy's gain. I am sure if our city le aders were aware of what is broug ht out in this book, then you would t a ke action t o help prevent the cruelty imposed on this group by our enerey-. I appreciate your time and if I may be of help contact me. Sincerely, fa_ -r-~ John F. Underwood JFU/bu Copy of this letter sent to each alderman. �do so, to beauti fy it, to build it' up. But if they wish to live in other sections of the city, better located, closer to places of work, or for other reasons, they will also be free to do so. In fact, t~e living in close contact and the mixing of peoples of all nations and of all races will be r.ncouragcd, for this will hasten the Jestruction of al I forms of scparati!'m passed J own as a heritage from capitalism, will tend to freely amalgamate all peop les. Thus, in a general way, we see the tremendous possibilities for_the Negro in a Soviet America. No privileges for the whites ~hich the Negroes do not at the same time have, full equal nghts-this is thr. minimum to be expected fro m a Soviet America. But today some eight million Negroes-two-thirds of the Negro people- li ve in and around the plantation area, in the lllost backward section of the country. The basic work will have lo he done here. Here the real economic basis for equality, the " 11 cial and political realization of equality, is to be g-uaranteerl. The Soviet Negro Republic We assume here that the new Negro Republic created as a result of the revolution for land and freedom is a Soviet Republic a_nd that this Republic has settled the question of self-determinahon in favor o( federation with the Soviet United States. Under such conditions, we will try to picture in its main features the transformation which can and will take place in this territory. The actual extPnt of this new Hepublic would in all probal,ility he approximately the pm-rnt arPa in which the Negroes co11stitute the ma jori ty of the population. In other worcls it would h~ approximatrly the pr~se11t planlation area. It would be certain to include such r:i tics as Jticlunond and Norfolk, Va., Columbia and Charleston, S. C., /\rl anta, Augusta, Savannah and Macon, Georgia, Montgomery, Alabama, New Orleans and Shreveport, La., Litt le Hock, Arkansas, ancl l\.'lemphis, Tennessee. In the actual determinati on of the boundaries of the 11ew Republic, other industrial cities may be included. The actual settlement of the qur.stion of boundaries wi ll depend largely on the steps taken 10 as!' ure well-rounded economic dP-vclopment lo the Negro Republic. This question we will discuss shortly. What will be the basis of political power? Who will hold the political power in this territory? At the present timt> political power is in tht' hands o( the 39 • �plantation masters and the capitalists. The democracy which permits the voters to elect this or that representative of the interests of the large landlords and the capitalists is limited only to a section of the white population. The Negroes are practically entirely excluded. There is less democracy here than in any other part of the country. As a result of the revolution the plantation masters and the capitalists will be overthrown. The formerly exploited classes of the population will come to power. These will be the workers, the former share-croppers, small tenants and small individual landowners. Because the Negroes are in a majority, especially of the exploited classes, the new governmental bodies will be predominantly composed of Negroes. The actual working out of real democracy in this territory-democracy for the majority of the people and not for the minority as under capitalismwill result in the Negroes playing the principal role in the new governmental authority. It would, however, be ¼Tong to say that the new government would be a dictatorship of the Negroes. Political power is based not upon racial characteristics but upon classes. The new political power would be-a dictatorship of the workers and the small farmers. Since most of the workers and the small farmers in this territory are Negroes, they would naturally compose the greater part of the personnel of the new town, township, county and regional government bodies. The Soviet has proven to be the international form of this kind of governmental power. The first Soviets were created by the Russian Revolution of 1905, and were established as the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat a,; a result of the Russian Revolution of 1917. Since then in revolutions which have taken place in Germany, Hungary, Austria, Spain, China, Cuba and other countries, Soviets have also appeared as the form of power of the workers and peasants. The Soviets which will arise in the old South will be somewhat as follows: They will arise locally, here and there, as the revolution starts, and spread as it develops further. Let us try to picture the composition of 'one of these Soviets, which will hold power in a certain locality. On this Soviet there will be representatives of the share-croppers, tenants and wage-workers of the plantations; then representatives, let us say, of the workers in a local 40 . . I t Lt n ain cutton,seed oil fac· sawmill or of a fertilizer p an , co O o ' d . I . ht be one or two poor an tory, or nearby textile mill; l iere mig j · t ests of the small landowners. T?is SoviPt will r_cpres~nt t ie,. m ;~; farmers. workers from the mills a[l(l plantat10ns and t;r... ~nd the poor It will embody the alliance lwtwcrn the work · ·· .· " ·t f these chsses, usm.,- I s . farmers. It will b1~ a dictator~I11P O ,d_ ·cl f . t . II at• • l ution '·m . :e ea .i ' Power to defend tlu~ l"lvains o• f Ih e rnvo . • • ~ , 111ta1)SIS at COUii· tempts of the form,~r pla11tat10n rna:-tcrs •1111 C,lrtcr-revolution. . d I , -e Soviet As the aains of the revolution arc consohJaNtc t H-r~ . 1i1·1c o ' S · . l <'"ro \t~pu · territories will unite to form the ,w~ ?lvlirb. ' ·o o ·ed uf the . b d £ h R bl ,c w1 e comp s , 1 he central Soviet o Y O t c P.(HI . . l found in the . . h · • . • -1 · which a1e to ie ll bl" " therefore, does reprcscntal1ves ol t r. -ame m_1cl l!S" local Soviets. The term "Soviet Negro epu ic ·lu,iwly uf not mean a llcpubl ic or a µ;ovcrnrrw11t conipo:r.. ctxc ·11 the new II N " .. will part1c11ia e I . . Negroes. Wh1Lc:s as we as corocs _ , , . whit•· sharc, i\1urro wori-1 rs, II k power-white wor Prs as "'·' ,ts ' -,-, I . • ·'Soviet ' h . Jt'I""' But L ie n,1n1c croµp1:rs us well as Negro s arc-crop1 ·: . lele oemocracy, Neµro Republic" does express the fact th.i_t cohmp_ lution itself. d b 1Ne"rOf'" in t c ,rvo and the important ro Ie PIaye Y " . · ·· t ·111 ·,cconlane1· ' h a,·... placed the Ne~nws .111 th e b o< 1·1cs ol ..-,,·o,·1•r11nw11 · with their real majority. h ·ent rulin" class 1 It must also be borne in mi nd t mt. l e ~;~: -revolutiin will of the South is composed entirely of wlutes. l ·t·11g and ruling · t th present exp 0 1 1 disfranchise and expropna e h b · of class dis· ·n b e edone on t e as1s N h l class. This, of course, WI 1·t will result in evert f' ess, . · t·10n. tiuction and not race d 1stmc . ... , . h ·" J white c1llzt 11 "· cuttino- down the number of en f ranc J. et . . h' l ry 0 • ·1 ituution in our 0 " 11 18 0 · We have somewhat of a simi ar s . hi rulPd the In the years 1867-187'7 a revolutionary dictators pent the fur. d" t h"p was to prev South. The purpose of t h 18 icta ors I Th' was a dictator18 • to power. rner slaveowners £rom returmng h 'ddle class sup· · 1·· t d Sout ern mi ' ship of the Northern capita 18 s an many of whom I ported principally hf the forme~ ~:g~~u~ha:~·in locally organ· were in the army which patrolle ~ h" was also supported, ized rifle clubs and militias. The dictato~s ipf The county th or white armers. especially at the start, b Y e po mposed almost en. th l t tion areas were co . h governments m e P an a th Negroes were m t e tirely of Negroes. In a number of stathesld e y of the important · l atures, an d they e man rnajority in the l eg1s d 41 �state offices. A number of Negnies were elected to the Senate and House of Representatives in Washington. If at that time full democracy had been in force the Negroes would have had even larger representation in the state and national governments. A fter the defeat of these revolutionary governments, the Negroes were completely disfranchised. Under the revolutionary government of the Soviets, however, full democracy fur the majority will be assured by creating the economic basis for this democracy. The Economic Foundation of Equality THE LAND Among the first actions of a Soviet government would be a decree recognizing the confiscation of the large landownings where this has taken place or authorizing such confiscation if it has not yet taken place, converting all privately-owned land into the property of the whole people without compensation, and the confiscation of all livestock and implements of the large landowners for the use of the people. Thus would the destruction of the plantation system in the South be authorized according to revolutionary law. The land would now be the property of the people as a whole. Local Soviets or land committees, compc,sed of the poor farmers and the farm workers, could now determine the allotment of land to the former tenants and share-cropeprs. While the hmd would remain the property of the Republic, it would be divided up among the poor farmers whose right to till their farms would be recognized. Those who already have a small holding of land would be permitted to continue working it and they might even be given more land after the needs of the landless are satisfied. All previous debts and obligations would be cancelled. Financing, the banks and credit would now be in the hands of the Soviet state. With the removal of all restricting forces, such as the old credit institution and the plantation system, a complete transformation of agriculture in the South would now be possible. The most hackl\'ard area under capitalism could now be turned into a source of well-being for its population. Cotton, the most important commercial crop, which under capitalism is ~he scourge of millions of toilers, can now be turned into the instrument for rapid economic and social development. From the huge plantations as they exist today two kinds of 42 . . d 1 in the first stages of agricultural enterprises are likely to eve op . . the South . b 40 000 plantations 1D • Soviet Power. There are a out • ' . b t 72 5 acres, but only The size of the average plantation 18 a. ou k d b tenants and yh'mself with slightly more than half of this acreage 1s wodr e . k d b the lan owner 1 share-croppers. The rest 1s wor e Y • f the plan. th tenant section o wage-workers. Cotton 1s grown 'ln e f land and for . · · used as athreserveh 0 d the present 18 talion, and the other secuon an 'reserve land . f eed crops. .On e. one f the t h e purpose of growing tenant holdings together with a certaint:i:hbon t~e former tenants. could be turned into small farms wor e Y1 b section of the On the other hand, a good part of the watger:i.i:: or collectives. plantation could be turned into mo~el _sta immediate examples These could serve from the very begmnmg 1 t form collectives. for the surrounding small holders of land ~ so t~e socialist form, For the advantage of this form of farmmg, Would immediately become apparenL 1 There . tremendous sea e. Some of these plantations a~e on a which have an average e today worked are over 400 plantations, for inatance, . h 1 700 acres ar acreage of about 3,500 , of wh lC ' k The largest ers. by the landowners themse1ves Wl"th wage wor M" and is owned plantation in the world is situated at Scott, 1:*'·•th AAA This · I now 1D e · by Oscar Johnson, one of the h 1. gh Officla s . f this kind the • covers 37,OOO acres. On plantations P1antahon d toscientific meth0 ~e shared by the use of modern machinery and the lat~~ ~n ods of agriculture, the benefits of w lC Wld encouragement ·11 as tremen ous f the small holdings. producers themselves, Wl serve for the creation of similar giant farms out O for the • 11 The technical transformation of agricuSltureh Wl T:doty untold "bl · the old out · h" h . used by the backfirst time become poss1 e m . . 1 . ·1 ion w 1c 1s ca Wealth 1s bemg ost m 801 eros d" d plantation system. shed away. With Ward methods established by the ere_ lt The good soil is being. e":11austed 0 .r si: p thew;oviet Government, the aid of trained spec1ahsts supphe? ~ ed In.stead of a one· . Iture Wl·n be mstitut · new methods of agncu d -t d by the bankers . . 1 h. h is eman.,.e sided one-crop agn cu ture, w ic ded and planned ' . wi' ll b e possi"ble to have roun and creditors, 1t . hd awn and replanted Wl'th agriculture. Inferior land may be wit rcli land and the soil lwnber, food crops may be raised on olt' ert1'on of forage, etc. . of crops and theb cu d'1vag d restored by rotation 1e- ree m ' 88 the tractor an . d' ·11 lace mu L1ve-stock bree mg Wl rep S .fi t 43 �other agricultural machinery replace the mule. The huge collec· tive farms can be tremendous cotton-growing factories. The land, no longer divided up into small tenant lots, can now be plowed by a tractor, planted by a seeding machine, chopped by modern agricultural equipment. The mechanical cotton picker, whose development has been retarded by the present system of growing cotton, could now be employed profitably. There would be a tremendous saving in human labor. Hunclrccl:,; of thousands of farm families would now have the possibilities of leisure and peace, plenty and abundance, education and culture. Social planning will make this possible. The nearest capitalism has come to "planning" is to plan the destruction of millions of acres o~ cotton under the A.A.A. and the Bankhead Bill. The new planning will plan, not destruction, but pro1lul'lion and distribution. Where will the n~sources and capital Le obtained for this transformation of Southern agriculture? At the present time the hankers, other creditors, large commission and merchanting houses and the large landowners obtain great profits from the cotton country. Much of the surplus now produced in the collon eountry is accumulated by the financiers in the form of exorbitant interest, in some cases reachinp; as hip;h a:,; 700 per r.ent per annum. This parasitism will no lunp;er exist. All cotton will be sold directly lo gcm~rnment agencies eith,•r from the collective or state farms or by the cooperatives of the individual owners. Government credit will be made available, on easy terms, to the poorest section of the fanning population ancl to the collectives. Thus the capital produced by cotton cultivation will not Aow into the coffers of Wall Street but will be utilized for improving Southern agriculture and the conditions of its workers. But this will not be the only source of capital. The government of the :\egru Republic could allocate to agriculture additional funds from the revenues of the State, largely obtained from State-owned industry. Thirdly, there would be even greater aid from the Central Soviet Government of the United States. The principal policy of the Central Soviet Government with regard to the Negro Republic would be to establish the basis of full equality by rapidly raising the economic level of this region. Funds would immediately be allocated for agricultural and industrial development in 44 . h . . ns and experts would f 11 d by the the South· the necessary skilled tee nicia . ' . . 1 the pohcy o owe he supplied. This was precise Y . h backward areas · U · · relat10n to t e government of the S ov1et mon 1~ lived If the Soviet Union where the formerly oppressed natw~s. d · ces the Central .h . 1 . l hm1te resour ' could do this, wit _its r~ at1ve y will be able to do it on a Soviet Government m this country d 'th that of the . · · connecte w1 much greater scale. Th 1s quest10n is building of industry in the South. INDUSTRY f h untry there is a very uncomparison to the rest o t e _co h tation area of the developed and unbalanced industry m t e p a_nll towns there are · f cotton m1 • . h South today. With t e e~ceptIO~ 0 . 0 the Black Belt. The only no important large-scale mdu st ries. 1 h' h is 1·ust off the . . B' mmaham w ic h eavy industrial center is 0 m ir 1 The textile industry, by northern tip of the Alabama Black B~ t. d · the North and . h 5 th 1s centere m . rar the largest .m d ustry m t e ou • l t part of Georgia. · the Nort 1eas em h . p·ie d mont an d m South Carolina . l moved from t e ,, b . d t " are a so re the rayon and to acco m us ne~. . h' th plantation area plantation area. The only indust_n es w1tdm 'th\griculture, such itself are those which are closely conne~~e I w1 ber turpentine. as fntilizer. cotton gi n;;, cotton-sePd o1, um t '1·n this respect · . f h 5 · t governmen The basic pohcy o t e ov1e h . dustries as already Would be to industrialize this area. SSuc . m t te Even before f the ov1et s a . . . h h d ex.1st would pass mto t e an s O l'k ly to be: to open ·1 h fi t steps are 1 e new industries are b UI t t e rs · rporate such an rkers to mco R the textile industry to N egro wo ' 't y of the Negro e. B' . h m in the tern or . important area as irmmg a ._f h machine-building m. . d t a basis or t e . • pu bl ic m or er to crea e h f t'l' er cotton-gmnmg . d . ve t e er 1 iz . d dustry· to modermze an impro h f scientific metho s ·J Pl an ts·teuseo and other similar m ustna ' o d s W h'lCh under the com• th in the exploitation of e pme wob . ' uickly exhausted; to Petitive capitalist system, are ~ow emt~ q with lumbering. . · d t in connec 10n l d evelop the furniture m us ry Id rtainly be the supJ' Y One of the principal problems woul ce t of such a large· . The deve opmen Id of agricultural ma.c h mery · B' · gham area wou 'th the irmm d . scale industry in connect10n w1 B. . ham h as n ot been developeth be on the order of the day. irmmg etition of the nor . to its full potentialities because of _the_ co;;i:n is conceded by all ern steel-producing centers. :et rumt;; c:nter of a huge metal specialists in the field to be idea as l In ' ·a 45 �·n f or the first time meet a stronger . .11 t the same time the southern masses today, wi foe. This foe will be victorious because it wh1 ad" s Pro· h . use of t ese isease . do away with poverty, t_ e pru~e ~a . will for the first time f essional care and public hospitahzationnd poor th Negro masses a he available on a large seal e to e . Ge · and the , t estate m orgia whites. President Rooseve lt s presen b d 1·nto sanitoria, · other resorts of t h e m1·11·ionaires, can e turneh h of tired h become t e aven B I hospitals, clubs, etc. Pam eac ca~ ds also be Q5eci Workers and toiling farmers. The pme woo c;iresorts of the as health-giving resorts. All the beS t spots£ anth masses . l b est homes or e · present rulmg c ass can ecome r . h . list education of Much will also have to be .done ~n t e. st:ve removed the the white population. Th~ ~evolution_ wil . 11 remove even the basis of prejudice, hut socialist education w1 industry. There are close at hand the necessary coal, ore and dolomite. This could become the great manufacturing center of tractors and other agricultural machinery which will be a great force in bringing about socialism on the former slave land. This area is also rich in water power. Capitalism has only just begun the development of electric power in the South and this growth has been retarded because there is not sufficient industry to make use of this power. Under the planned economy of a Soviet state, old industry would be reconstructed, new industries would arise. We have only indicated some of the possibilities. Still greater ones would unfold in a Soviet America. This much is important and certain: with the overthrow of the landlord-capitalist power and the establishment of the Soviet Negro Republic, the most backward section of the United States would develop into an advanced, wealthy area. The rich resources of the territory, until now wasted and plundered by the capitalists, would be turned to their own account by the workers and farmers, with the aid of the working class of the North and northern resources. Then would the basis of Negro equality be established. And the socalled poor whites would also he liberated from poverty, extreme exploitation and backwardness. remnants of prejudice. . . . h ossibility created for Only on the basis of socrnhsm is t e p l Unde~ !be the full and equal development ~£ ~e N~fe: ~~:P ~~gro i,c:ople slave power and under the cap1tahst pd U der the power of have been retarded, oppressed, perse~ute · lossom forth and the workers and the poor farmers t ey can f II-fledged people . potentla · 1·ities. · . Only .then as d a du e ual status herealize all then will they be able to take their und1spute an q side3 all the peoples of the world. . f a glorious future . This is only a mere peep into the vista o h1"eve They come ot easy to ac · . for the masses. Such th mgs are n h t turn those energies as the result of hard struggle. But ~ no lasses are using for and powers of ours, which the exp o1tmg c their benefit, to our benefit? . . by preparing our . b · by orgamzmg, We must begm now- egm di"tions by learn· . l t 'mprove our con , b "ld and support the forces in our daily strugg es O 1 . " Ab all we must u1 . ing "to take over. ove k' lass the Communist only revolutionary party of th (; wor mhg cvohi~ionists and mili. P arty, composed of d'staunch reworkina class an d the p arty. This tant workers, is training and lea mg t be. t"ve 0 d their areat o Jee i . oppressed masses tow?r s o l create the powerful, greal Join the Comm1mist Party, hep d Socialism. . . l ad . th masses towar s vanguard which is e mg e . The Reali:r.ation of Social Equality When the slaves were liberated in the South as a result of the Civil War the slave blocks and auction houses were burned to the ground by the former chattels. One can well imagine with what elation the liberated people of the South will now burn the jim-crow signs, symbols of the capitalist slavery of white and Negro alike. The bonfire of jim-crow signs will light the way to real freedom. The power of the workers and poor farmers will create for the first time a culture for the masses of the South. New, modern school buildings will arise by the thousands. Illiteracy, the shame of the South, will be wiped out. Technical schools and universities will also become a southern product. We think it entirely safe to predict that the public school system in all its branches will develop at a rate in the South exceeding any previous records in the history of American capitalism. Much will have to be done in the field of health protecton. The diseases of poverty-pellagra, hookworm, etc.- which plague 46 r. . L PUBLISHERS Published by WoRKE;f 1~ YCity. June, 1935 P. O. Box 148, Sta. D, - ew �What's Back of Anti-Discrimination Bills? The past year or two a wave of propaganda has demanded the enactment by Congress and the several States of so-called "Anti· Discrimination Laws." The assumption of many persons is that these measures are a generous and timely effort that will bring contentment to all the people. But there is impressive evidence that they are, instead, merely one more attempt of the Communists to stir up trouble. There und_oubtedly is so_me discrimination against many Negroes, and to a certam extent agamst many Jews. But it is in large part merely_ the e_xpression by the 117 million non-Negroes and non-Jews of their ch01ce of employees or fellow-employees, or of companions or associates. Such choice is, in the very nature of things, a part of liberty itself. Negroes and Jews in the United States have had greater opportu~itie~ than in ~ny other country on earth. On the day the New York legislative commlltees held a hearing on an Anti-Discrimination Bill, the New York_papers carried long articles telling of the election of a Negro as President of the Bar Association of Dutchess County, New York, and mentioning incidentally that his daughter is a Justice of the Domestic Relations Court in New York City. . ~ncreasing numbers of ~egroes are constantly attaining distinc· uon ID many fields. There 1s less reason now for anti-discrimination l~ws t!tan there might h:ive_ been t~n, ~wenty or thirty years ago. The ~1tuauon has been steadily 1mprov1Dg ID that slow but sure way whid1 1s the sou_ndest way_ of all, but which apparently annoys the zealots and fa~aucs who wish to see any situation they think wrong righted over mght. And many good citizens, who have lacked opportunity really_ to study the matter, are today being misled by iliese very !anaucs, and by an alien-minded element with aims and purposes of its own. M~st Ame_ricans regret the existence of any cliso·imination. True edu~:tllon, pat!ence and ~eate_r emphasis on the_ Christian quality of chan_ty (that 1s, good will) will accelerate the unprovement in race rel~uo~s t~at has long been noted. But to resort to compulsion by leg1slauon 1s not the remedy. That will set the clock back--and will probably do worse. The Eighteenth Amendment proved that. • • • • We submit herewi_th an offse~ copy of a pamphlet published in 1935 by the Workers Library Publishers (the Communist Party of the U:S.A.). A perusal of this suggests the likelihood ~t ~e anti-discnmi~ation campaign for which many ~ pe<_>P.le, mduding church organizations, have fallen, is of wholly ahen ongin. . "The Negroes in a Soviet America," as the reader will ~ee, is a dir~ct incitement by the Communist;5 to bloody revolt aga~nst the whue people of the United States, urgmg them_ to set up a Soviet form of government and affiliate with Soviet Russia. The Foreword on page 2 urges social equality as "'a minimum desire" of th_e N~gr~. ~n page 35 is the statement, "'The Negro people can find msp1rauon 10 tne revolutionary attempts of Gabriel, Denmark Vesey, Nat Tum': ·." etc.; and upon consulting Volume XIV of Albert Bushnell Hart_s History of the American Nation," it will be foun'! that _two at leas~ of these Negroes were the leaders in Negro revolts m which scores 0 White men, women and children were mercilessly slaughtered . . On page 38 is the statement that, "Any act of discriminatio~ or of prejudice agamst a Negro will become a cnme under the revoluuonary law." The anti-discrimination bills carry out this idea precisely! At the present moment, of course, the C~mmunist technique has changed-it would not aid in securing a conunuance of lend-lease or the expected help in Russian reconstruction if so cr_ude :I; pamphl~t Were circulated now. Nevertheless, as David Dalhn f>OlDtS .out .m his .book, "The Real Soviet Russia" (publishe bf th~ Yale Umversity Press, 1945), this current attitude of tlie Commll:msts 1s merely a Prul;5C from which t11e Communists will return to their ruthless Commum5t program when the current need has passed. James W. Ford, one of the authors ?f the pamph~et, h_as. been several times the candidate of the Communist Party for Vice-Piesidcnt. "James S. Allen " the other author, is the alias for Sol Au~rbach whose activities were ~ matter of record before the Dies Committee. J· This special offset edition of "The Negroes in a Soviet America .. has been brought out in order that the people may form a true ';';°der5tanding of what is back of the present hullabaloo about ¾uality." Race NATIONAL ECONOMIC COUNCIL, INC., April 1915 550 fifth Ave., New York I, N. 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Youngstown: 310 W. Federal St., 3rd ft. Write for a complete catalog to anJ' of the above addresses or to WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS P . 0. Box 148, Sta. D New York City �220 Griffin St., N. W. Atl anta , Ga . 30314 , r, , :· · _. 1., j ••  .. l •. \I ,-~ , J . l • Ll M -1: ,. . . _ L Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. City of tlanta City Hall tlanta, Georgia l ·c· .. • 7] "::...- 1- - -, d 1 10 , E-l111an 5 •i..11--.;;:: 0 1n/iependern;.e !917-67 I ��• ' ,;,. _r Jo1·~ 1 ~~@~W Emory Universit Vol. 48, No. 8 Pcitie/6; }Jt. t. /(i1t9 lltte1td ~~e }Jteeti1t9 . CHANIN Dykes High School is located in northwest Atlanta at the corneli of Powers Ferry and Jett Roads across from Chastain Park. The fact of its location is insignificant as is the fact of its existence except that the institution serves to provide needed educational facilities to the immediate surrounding area. What is significant is the fact that few Negroes attend the school. Of course the reason for this is that very f ew Negroes live in the neighborhood serviced ,b y Dykes. Thus the imp'Ortant point is that very few Negroes live on the northside of Atla nta- in the social area known to r eaders of the hate sheet, the Northside News, as THE NORTHSIDE. Now it is not suggested that any person should particularly want to live in that area or to partake of its so-ca lled benefits : debutantes, snobbery and other pleasantries. But it is a very beautiful neighborhood with rolling lawns, la rge estat es, much green and, thanks to fine influence with the city, well-paved streets. In fact, the best possible in city services, in school, in all the things that go to make for gra-cious living are provided t'o the needy residehts living there. Need a t elephone installed, be right out, none of this cr ap about party-lines. Garbag e collect ed r egularly and streets, even the most out of the way ones, cleaned with little dela y. Yes, on the northside lives the wealth of Atlanta. The decision makers are there-the presidents of the companies, the senior partners ·o f the law firms, t h e doctors who claim that status brought by Piedmont Hospital. This is "Driving Club" land. And there are no Negroes. Read the social pag es of the Atlanta newspapers: no Negroes ever have parties, g et ma rried, or give •b irth to children. In fact n'One of this goes on a nywher e but the n orthside-if one trusts these newspaper s. Meanwhile the Biltmore Hotel was the host last week to the annual meeting o.f the .Southern Regional Council. At the banquet last Thursday t he people mixed-eolored and white, gentile and J ew. There were northsiders there. Seve ral weeks earlier the Regency Hot el was the site of the annual meet ing of t he S-outhern Christian Leadership Conference. Sidney Poitier, Mrs. Rosa Parks, and Dr . Marti n Luther Kin:g lead t he dignitaries. Mayor Allen was among t hem. And there were many northsiders t here. These annual meetings are important for two r easons. They indicate that there are those among the leadership of Atlanta who do not hold the normal views of the northside. These are the people who have been instrumental in developing the policies and pr ogr ams that have given Atlanta the progressive image that it has t oday and who have elected or seen to the elec- tion of the proper persons to carry out the policies and programs. The annual meetings also would indicate that the organizations sponsoring the meetings exist. The fact that the SRC and the SCLC still exis"; is a comment on our time. It is not that they should have been wiped out by W;ives of Southern bigotry, but that there is still a need for their continuation. The comment is this: 1) it has been 12 years since 1954 and the Brown decision; 2) it has been over 100 years since the end of the r evolt of the Southern states; 3) it has been almost 200 yea rs since these words were written"We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal. . . ." The facts are these: in Atlanta, schools a r e still segregated in fact; Negroes must live in one particular section 'Of town; no major law firm has yet to hire a Negro lawyer; no major company has hired Neg ro executives, the jobs left open to Negroes a re menial a nd low paying for the most part; no social club will accept Negroes as members; Negro neighborhoods are on the bottom in city services and assista nce pr ovided by private companies; schools in these neig hborhoods are the oldest and most crowded ; in the slums landlords and loan sharks prey upon the ignora nce created by white big otry and d·o so unregulated by the law; for the most pa rt pure racism governs the sale of houses and the r ental of apartments in the better areas of Atlanta preventing a Negro's moving there even if he wanted to and on and on and on. P erhaps this situation makes the point mor e clearly : in the Commerce Building , home of the organization that develo,p ed and stands for " For ward Atlanta"--the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, is locat ed the Commerce Club to which no Negro is welcome as a guest or member, not even the Assistant Secretary of Commer ce. Atlanta has begun to take the faltering steps to t reat all its citizens as the minimum demanded by huma n decency-a s human beings. Yet before the smugness settles too deeply in t hese homes on t he northside where not much is seen beyond the c·ount ry club, t hese people, who. see the resolut ion of the problems of Detroit and Los Angeles and New York and At lanta as better police protection, should recognize what lip service to progress really means. It means nothing. And to·o much depends on immediate action to be satisfied with it. The change that will come will not come overnight, but as one Southerner, Judge Wisdom of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, commented in the Jefferson County case: The clock has ticked the last t ick for tokenism and dela:>: in the na eed" �n TO , ~ - °f4 Da n E. Swea t , FROM: ~ ROUTE SLIP Jr. r your i nform a tion D Please r efe r co the a ttac he d corresponde n ce a nd ma ke th e n e c essa ry re ply. D Advise me th e s t a tu s o f th e a ttac h e d . F ORM 25-4 - S �THE SUNDAY JfJIOrT:Poffreniensc.tttfflOl't~, wlllte """1 lrt,lit) ~'-t1t11tflop~ 5 ~ 1.'11!:lteJ:i• on the deadly economics of segregation: the lime-bomb inthe core of the American city ~ GENERATION OF DESPAIR TO GET an idea of the despair lhls background Stokeley behind Amerk:a's me riots Carmichael, the apostle of Black Powe r , calls fur af;~s143.215.248.55:b~f ~~or; tl\143.215.248.55-Ja It ~:ran f143.215.248.55er~~: .Britain. ~ We are not used to think andviolentdemud. Butthe ing of America in images of current pre_dicament of 1he poverty: and evenif1re were, Nero is as 1mmodente. The the portrty which afflicts the Negrostrtionsof a city like ;~o !~j~hi\gfr~-.~~ a Detroilisof a kind so bizarre in the South, of Cil·il Rights as to make any European workers, have produced only threecom•1ctions,andnosen· experience Irrelevant. tencc()fmoretha, tenyears. The whole story takes a lot And even moderate Negro of telling. But there are IOIJ}e facts whicb can be leaders fr~I admit their ~(t~rre~ i~J:~ ~~e"~tm~i143.215.248.55 ~1 a~ea~e~: lhescopeandsubt!etyofthe h:fu!:,k;~ ., ~~uf~:nA::;fc~n a moment when Amenca s worse after all we've bee,, through.. there's something fe -Onein1hreeoftheNegroes 0a143.215.248.55; t;~on~ilie~::. :~: in most Northern cities are Je:Vs, the u.nions-the whole unemployed, or as good as 143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)r v::143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)c/ as H~?! ~!~ Ja~:~pbof; adrt~ ~~r~itt!b143.215.248.55 such faithin theabililyof survey); thissociety tomm·ethathe's a~dressingonlytheNegroes." - ....To.irteeayE>ars after the Supreme Court outla11,ed \1, ACCORDING1.9 Walfer l.ipp. there ls more segregatlon m theschools thane1•erbefore; ~!~~cte/ c: me~e~~:i'ir: ..nfhs! race problem as we know Ills -In aperiodofunparal!eled really theby·productof our boom, after six years on steady economic expansion, plan!ess: ~isordered, bedrag· gled, drifting democracy, medianincomesin theurban "Until we ha1·e learned to g h e t t oes (where most Negroes live)hn edecreased ~i~::b-Od;.v:~~be~~-t during the 1960s. a ·self.respecting sta~us, This is also after sel'eral guaran.tee his ch•ll liberltes, years or u n para l l e l e d and bringeducationandp!av to him, the bulk of our ta)k 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)e ~~ w143.215.248.55h about ' the raceproblem'w1II true. A tragic. automatic mechanism has been exposed ~~m:ind1~;.ni~\~fu:t"i~h:lolii"e in American sociely, through relation between black men which nearly every attempt to andwhitewi!lbe a dirtyone. helplhepoor-andthepoor In a clean civilisation the two are. basically, the Negroes-- racescan conduct their busi, has been transmuted into a ness together cleanly,andnot device for making the rich unti!then." richer and lhepoorpoorer The s l uggishness of The kind of irony confront- America's response lo thil ing America is that the indictment is indicated by i~ Feder,al money for the urban date. Lippmann was writing renewal programmes - running thisyearat £200million in 1919. Th at was the " Re« ~1~i: ;i~fu:i1:f:C~in~s10wft\ Summer," the Jirst or th, hot ones. More thaa middle-class housing, which long twenty race battlP~ flared IQ the slum-dwellers cannot the streets that s_ummer, afford. seven of them cxplodmg.int, The situation is one !n majorriots. ln the bl.oodte;\ which a city like Detroit can be seriously regarded as erupting in ChicJgo m Jul, " liberal" - although nn ~71:~t~hft~s Two myths IK'r,·ad* tlit 143.215.248.55li~~ou143.215.248.55p1rr:srath:fe slncethcearly firties. Against subject. The first i~ lhll. /iigh~~::::n~:~pei:::rre~faiid w143.215.248.55l~~ a:g{:~ ~;~1ineJ.ric America has been g_rappling llrith the problem ~mce the rivll war a century ago. (This ls commonly ad1·anced in Britain to demonstrate that ~ you cannot legislate the bearts o[ men.) The second lr!fihis, .thatthe upsurgeof \•1olencemthe~egroghetloes of American c1tJes owr the last rou r Jears is a new ~henomenon The central truth is that, right until the end of the &eetind 11orld war, American Government \\aS, at least ~~i~aai: ni~:U~1~ee:r~c:~yi '\l,·oodrow _Wi)son-the man Jlroudly bringing freedom to turope at the <'lose of the 6.rst world war-adual!y im· ~~:al ::~~i~~!ti~~ th1: sa~~ period,only the intervention of the Supreme Court pre· vented the imposition of for~al ~part!ieid through u m \ i:omng legislation - • 'w,dmledh!omany yemtoargulngti,at you couldn't legislate against prejudice -kn D. iiQal, 11.,1 1~,h,~111 Opptrtu1i1, C11ni11C1~ • Ernn Rooscvell's New Deal was segregationist. In the rur~l areas the A~r\cultu.ral Adjustment Adm1mstrat1on adjusted thousands of Negro sharecroppers off the land When these destitute refugees swelled the urban ghettoes, the New De al housing agen~ies turned out to have policicsrootedm the olddeal. One agen~y. the Federa!Housmg Admmistration, blocked mortgages on homes that Nesroes wanted to buy in whttesuburbs, The other, lhe United S t ate s Housing Authority, financed separate 143.215.248.55si: \it~roj~ ~vit~o~Y,bl143.215.248.55 black developments beeame merely extensions of the old ghettoes. Ell'ecth'ely, the New Deal t~hio~: ~\~:hJ:~;s0:e~\~ 1:~t:::~io~ system with sufficient stark· ness to ha\'e come to terms with the basic, eronomic nature of the Negroplightif anyone had wanted to look that hard. But the Negro emerged from the New Deal ifanythingworsethanhe had ~ ~~/143.215.248.55 segreBut in a back.handE>d way ~~r:1~: ~~! Na~lia~~:l ~i: b!h1~hab~~! Negroespinnedtheir faith for the next generation: the common front of the Negro organisations and the wh.ite labour unions. That alliance is arguably the single mo~t important reason why Amen· can rities enjoyed almost romplete racial peace for twentv.one l"ears up to 1964 As ]orig as the grouping held theNegroeshadatleastsome powerful allie~ - notably Walter Reuther's United Auto Workers-in the jobs market. ' .From the unions' point of view there was never much altruism Involved. They were simply shrel.l'd enough to see in the 1930s that. with ml\· lions uncmplovcd, the Negroes would make excellent strikebreakers unless cor· ralled. It was In Detroit, home of the United Auto Workers, that the alliance bet11·een i\"egrocsandthe unionsfinally sundrred in 1960, when the while craft unions and industrial unions rejoined fore~. andall the rraftunions old distrust of Negroes came to the fore. It was an ominous 143.215.248.55o143.215.248.55;~~ab~~e Pi:1 skilled and semi-skilled jobs, to procced.notatonc{',but merely "•,r1th all deliberate speed." As the Nes-roes h~~e learned withgrowmg bllter· ness, the court could not have handed the southern states a more ])('rfertly fashioned weapon for delay. Ten years later, sim·eying t~e rubble of the desegregation programme, a Suprl'me Court Justice 1'1S mol'l'd lo remark: "There has betn entirely too much deltbera· lion an~. not enough speed... Nor has the Government demonstrated anv m1'.lre alacrity to enforre·1he 11154 dectsion The 1964 Ciril RiahtsActwasclear: nomore [~~tr ~h:f~. st~u::iraef:~~ offab-Outl.900ofthrSouth's 2,200 school dis!ricts right 11 ot~~ Co~yresJd:~!t~t~ i ;r decided lo be lenient it was ten years since the Supreme Court dceision. but the schoolscould hal'e e1•cnmore time to ease themsel\"eS Into segregation. Th~ result goes !or to di1J1:/: ~~e Jo143.215.248.55e~~g~ s uereme Court promises of ln81hers143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST) went to integrated schools: by 1965, 5.8percent.;today only 13 per cent ~ almos! l4ye_ars since the highest court m the Jand ruleditw:is el"efj' child's right ~r'~~"r~:~ ~Ge !~ 'Thefactisthatwhile \~r !,t1:: 143.215.248.55l~~f;gr~s 1i~ce workers on the lowest rungs o£the\adder In the Negroe~' po~t·war struggle for equality, the Supreme Court judgment of ~ ~: 01:gt~nsifl!~gr;[:~io~s i~ landmark But in fact the willingness of the C~urt to temper the Constilut1on lo the times emasculated the l'ietory. A c9nstilutiona! rig;ht. the Court ~:r:~~:r :t;~:~~1,-143.215.248.55 an1 ~~u~~ 143.215.248.55-b eJ:,~rnt~ ~~e; theUrhanleague ... hm been kying to nw,efourNegroesinto asuburhhichisnot In anyghetto man's future,400,000 tenement buildings in NewYonOty hm dettrioratedorbeen demtllshtd -ld1rfCt10,j,ScMfl 1fl1ci1I W1rl,CohmfitU1i1!f$i1J At the time the Supreme !hhee \~ro!hr~~ the Court handed down the Court's cautious 1954dedsion America. confront,d the unpreredenlcddccision that \Vas handed down, the pro· shortcom1 ngsofher economic de~gregation of schools was cesses which tore Detroit 1 •part thlsmonthhadbttnon the m()1·e a lrmi: trm<' /And t~~'i'ci~tih~n1':g~nJinda book. _published by Ebon)' magattne,hsts1tasoneofthe ten best cities for Negro employment.) Building the ghelto began fh!0~e;a£.~~m ~!~~\'n~ 11'1E>turnofthel"fntun!here has been a movement of !'i"egroes from the southern farm!andstotheurbannorth· impelled most 1·1gorousl_1 by ~: !et1~~-~i{d~_mf!°J~m~~li~~ havrmo,ed northsmre 1!!40 -amillionoftheminlhelai;l tmyears. Tuo.thirdso£all adult\egroe~ inthenorthem citieswerebomrnthrsouth. Mechanisation of the farms and theuseofchem1 of racerelalionslnthatsuburb ts ir1 th~ hand~ of those children, 1nd it rnay well be 1io!pn1 Hnwe E>r, the _teneral ~itu at10n here, m contr~~t with Anthony lester �The death of Billy furr APPOINTMENTS �14 Monday, September 11, 1967 THE CHR.ISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR • ·o etroit sifts through riot embers for racial lessons I By Ric~ard L: Strout Staff correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor Detroit Back and forth across the United St ates in this violent summer of 1967 we have · traveled now close to 9,000 miles. Some ·scenes have been idyllic; some poignant. The most shocking thing we have seen is the charred and angry scar in Detroit left by a riot which all but paralyzed the nation's fifth largest city for four da ys and took over 40 lives. On sleazy 12th Street, driving north one month later, it looks for a minute like Berlin after the bombing. Here a row of stores is gutted. Across the way plywood sheathes bandage smashed windows . A chimney rises in a burnt-out home like a cellar hole in an abandoned New England farm. Supporting I-beams still cant against sidewalls. There are pathetic scrawled appeals, "Soul Brother" meaning a Negro owner. A cast-iron radiator is held up crazily against the sky by its connecting waterpipe in what was formerly a second-story room. The room is gone. At its height the riot was like war; tanks trundled, machine guns spat at snipers, police sirens howled, fire trucks roared, arsonists laugh~d and looted. Officials looked down almost in tears on fires that seemed to cover the whole town. Here a city foug11t its own people. Cost-half-a-billion dollars. Has the lesson of Detroit been learned by the rest of the country? In this reporter 's opinion, no. The lesson is that if it can happen in Detroit in can happen anywhere. The forces of destruction an nihilism in American core cities <)re still there . Almost a model city ... Detroit was almost a model city in racial matters. There was a liberal mayor and governor, the most advanced summer program in the United States, and complete communication between officials and the supposed Negro leaders . It had two · articulate Negro congressmen and one of the biggest middle-class Negro communities in the nation. "We told ourselves it can't happen in Detroit," said Martin Hayden, chief editorial writer of the Detroit News. He speaks who wants all the facts but also feels the with the commitment of a newspaperman thing passionately as a human being. The feeling of security helped betray Detroit. Trying tactics that were successful a year b efore, police did not use firearms for a couple of hours while leaders tried t o " cool it" with bullhorns. The crowd grew. " There is no evidence that anything but an immediate and large show of force will stop a riot," says city expert James Q. Wilson of Harva rd . Compressed to oversimplification, here are three things the riot indicated t o some who lived through it. The National Guard isn't trained to handle a riot. Compared with the performance of seasoned regular Army paratroopers, who were finally called in, the guard's performance seemed to some "appalling." Second, the web of municipal life is more vulnerable t o civil disorder than ha s been supposed. The spontaneous, new-style guerrilla tactics of skip-hop, fire bombing can black out a city. Finally it is doubtful even yet if the natiol'l has much notion of what it is up against: a new, violent urban underclass set apart from the rest of the community. It is doubtful if Congress understan ds it. In a summer where 70 cities have been hit, the -House recently laughed off the President' s proposed ghetto rat-control bill, 207106. The reported mood in Washington is that new poverty funds should be withheld in or der not to "reward" violence. To an observer here it sounds a t rifle like reverse racism. Must all 520,000 Negroes in Detroit, out of a city of 1,600,000, be taught a lesson? One of the most striking things in following the ruins on 12th Street is to note how destruction stopped abruptly at the little lawns of the middle-class Negro homes on adjacent ;,venues. These property- owning Negroes have the greatest stake in law and order, as well as t he Negro shopkeepers whose businesses were sacked and gutted. The black-power m ilitants lump all whites together: "Whitey doesn't care! ~' It would seem tragic if white resentment should now lump all Negroes together and finally split the two races into warring camps. If social reform can be halted as a punishment for violence then nihilists and Communists can gleefully block it whenever they see fi t. There were whites in the Detroit mob. An editor, a state trooper, a Negro writer all told of the nightmarish carnival mood of the affair. The crowds laughed and looted. Recent United S tates census studies inclicate that the 1960 count missed many N.egroes, perhaps 10 percent. The highest loss rate wa s in young, adult males. The startling fact appears that one male in sue simply dropped out of organized society. But this invisible underclass was on hand for arson and looting. "Thi s can happen in any United States city where a sizable part of the population is unemployed and unemployable," says editor Martin Hayden. Causes are easier to find than amelioratives. The latter are probably more radical; anyway, than a nation preoccupied with Vietnam will accept. Well, I boldly offer the following proposals anyway. Law and order must be preserved; everybody agrees to that. More and more people believe that firearms· must be r egulated. The United States is the only great nation where this isn't done. Twenty-seventh in a continuing summe.r series of reports from a correspondent assigned to tour the United States, �Cfhe King of Kings and the Lord of Lords "He brought me into the banqueting house, and his banner over me was love" SONG OF SOLOMON 2 :4 �Welcome Your Majesty The Scriptures show that the Lord is present and we wish to be among the first to unfurl His banner of Love. Our own nartional emblem, just as do the flags of other nations, tend to separate people and seems to give those of every nationality the feeling "I am better than you." But with His Majesty that is not so. To Him we are all human beings, and all are dependant upon Him for life. Signs of His presence. In Daniel 12: 1 we read "And at that time (this time) shall Michael stand up, the great Prince which standeth for the children of the people : and there shall be a time of trouble, such as never was since there was a nation." In the second chapter Dani el tells of a "stone" that was to smite that great image upon the feet and break i,t to pieces. The image represented the Genti le governments of the earth, it struck in 1914 and continues to destroy the nations, and it is to become "a great mountain (kingdom) and fill the whole earth. It cannot be stopped for it is God's kingdom. Mountain means kingdom. This is that time spoken of by the prophet Ezekiel. " They shall seek peace and there shall be non e" ( Ezek. 7 :25). From the time of Woodrow Wilson and the League of Nations until this time with United Nations and with President Johnson and many other fine men and \vomen pleading for peace, but all in vain. Our great Creator has reserved the honor of establishing peace upon the earth for His Son the Prince of Peace ( Isa. 9 :6 ). He bought that right by giving Himself as a Ransom sacrifice for Adam and his posteri,ty. Does not such a King deserve the fullest obedience and all the honor and praise possible for man to r.ender? And now let us consider the laws that shall govern His rei gn. "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine hea rt, soul, strength and mind: ·and the second is like unto it. Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy self. As ye would that others do unto you, do ye even so unto them." It is love, can anyone ask for more? Let us learn to love each other And treat each man as a brother Without regard to creed or race Without regard to time or place. Today the negro is hating the white man and the white man is hatin g the negro ; one is just as wrong as the other. Won't yo u be one of those to surrend er to His Majesty and lift up his banner of Love. Th e Lord says " This is the way, walk ye in it. " "Love ye one another." �Blessings for ·All' Turn to Isaiah 25 :6 and read " And in this mountain (kingdom) shall the Lord of Hosts make unto all people, a feast of f~t things." The same prophet in chapter 35 says "Then shall the eyes of the blind be opened, and the ears of the deaf be un-stopped ." "And an hi ghway shall be there . . . And the ransomed of the Lord shall return, and come to Zion with songs of everlasting joy upon their heads." " Yea, they shall sit every man under his own vine and fig tree and none shall hurt or make him afraid." "Then shall they say Lo , this is our God, we have waited for Him'.' " Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thou ghts : and let him return unto the Lord: and he will have mercy upon him, and to our God for He will abundantly pardon." We suggest that all those int~rested in this line of thought write to the Dawn, in E.ast Rutherford, New Jersey. * * * Published by one of His Majesty's least, yet a most grateful subject. Sta nley Milton Tudor Box 93 Lowell, Michigan �137 Gri ffiin St., N. Atlanta, Ga . 30314 w. Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor City of Atlanta City Hall 68 Mitchell Street s.w. Atlanta, Georgia 30303 --· --· .--»~_,______ ~ -~--.,..-~ - --·- �- �. ATLANTA,GEOROIA FROM: Dan E. Sweat, Jr. 0 For your inform a tion O Please refe r co th e attached corr es pondence and -ma ke the necessa ry reply. O Advise me the status of the attached . FORM 25-4-S �From the desk of Cecil Alexander/ �• • • • • • • • • • • C LASS O F S ERVTCE 4 ~ . T his is o. fas t message u n lcy, its deferred char~ actc,~s i hdicatcd by t he .~r oper' sym bol. WESTERN UNION W . P . MARSHA LL CH A IRMAN OF T HE BOARD T ELEG AM ® - SYM~BOLS DL = D,y Letrcr N L = N ighc Letter R . W. M c FALL P RESI D EN T LT - I ncernatio nal - Letter T elcgra.m The filing time shown io che date line on domestic telegrams is LOCAL TIME at point of origin. Time of receipt is LOCAL TIME at point of destination VAH383 A LLH188 PD 11 EXTRA FAX ATLANTA GA 7 506P EDT MAYOR IVAN ALLIN JR CITY HALL 68 MITCH£LL ST ATLA ATLANTA, GA., AS YOU MAY ALREADY KNOW IS A CITY THAT RAS A GOOD REPUTATION IN SO FAR AS RACE RELATIONS .AR£ CONCERNED • TJE FEIL THAT THIS LENDS ITS SELF TO GOO» BUSINESS CLIMATE BUT WE HAVE REPORTS J'ROM YOUR RECENTLY OPENED HOTEL THE REGENCY HYATT HOUSE THAT CAN CAUSE THIS CLIMATE TO BI SOILED. WE ARE TOLD THAT NEGRO GUESTS AT THIS FACILITY HAVE BEEN TREATED DISCOURTEOUSLY.. wt HAVE BEEN TOLD or THE GROSS DISCRIMINATORY POLICIES WHICH AR£ PRACTICED BY THE HOTEL IN EMPLOYMENT UNLIKE THOSE IN SUCH FORWARD CITIES AS WASHINGTON, DC. AND OTHERS WHIR£ OUR STAFF HAS HAD OCCASION TO VISIT. NEGROES IN YOUR PLACE ARE DENID> MERIT EMPLOYMENT. sFt2oicR2-oo> W£ HAVE CAREFULLY SURVEYED YOUR HOT[L FOR SEVERAL WEEKS • • • . .J • • • • • • �• • • • • • • • • • • . 1 f'l1 L[\ r--. -=:;:: 0.. I'-,. ~ ~ r-- . r ~ ...•. . .... -:- f 1i .._ ~ ... ... •rt. "T ) - J ... , ..., . , 51551 ' J ·:i , A- • • l· -.__.,.. ! ... . l '• ( . . ~., -. ~·. • • • • • • • • • • �• CLASS OF SERVICE "' This is n fast m essage " •.· • t - - -YMSBO LS unless its d eferred char.. • • • • • • • • • WESTERN UNION ac~ is indicated by the ' o rope symbo l. < '--'-'-- -~ W . P . MARS H ALL CHA I RMAN O F THE BOARD T ELEGRAM DL = D ny Letter NL = Night Letter R . W . M c FALL PRESIDENT ® LT-lnterm1tion a l - Letter Tel cg ram The filin g time shown in the dace line on domestic telegrams is LOCAL TIME t point of origin. Time of receipt is LOCAL TIME at point of destination AND ARI CONVINCED THAT YOUR HOTEL IS GUILTY or DISCRIMINATION IN THE ARIAS or EMPLOYMENT AND THAT THERE IS A RELUCTANCE TO EXTEND CERTAIN COURTESIES TO NEGRO PATRONS. WE THERITORE, URGE THAT AN IMMEDIATE CONFERENCE BI SCHEDULED BETWEEN OPERATION BREADBASKET, A DEPARTMENT or THE SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE, DR. HARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., PRESIDENT AND TKt OWNERS or THE RIC£NCY HYATT ROUSE WE CANNOT OVIR EMPHASIZE THI IMPORTANCE or THIS MATTER JD GRIER CALL MAN OPERATION BREADBASKET REVEREND FRD C BENNETTE JR EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OPERATION BRIAKBASKET(42) • SF120l(R2-65) • • • • • • • • • • • �• • • • • • • • • • • ' l'n LC) /,,. .. r---'0.. """ ) r---- =_) J .. . . r -,. , t--- ,o c, ..- f • '1('1(1 ., I '. 1 1 51552 •J .. ,., ·-· ' .' ") A- .. ' • • • • • • . • • • • �... . . ., Mrs . L. H. P ound 675 Am s lerdam Avenue AJanta, Georgia 30306 Dear ayof Allen: Congr e tula tions upon your stand ab out future demonstra tions and riots of the colored folk. They are anything but "pea c f ul a ssemb li es" a s e ll of us know, nd it i s a bout time they st opped fr om their t hreats of riots unless the world is ha nded over to them. lt i s cert a inly intimi dat ion, which if it i sn't unla ful, should be . And so I s ha ll loo k for a rd, as a ll good sensible people ill be , to the results obtained by your new st and. S incerely ~- (>- ~ ~- ~~ �~ Jo ) Jq l,i-/ --rn °1~ L r-4 rl+cxM Q~ L ~ Qt~L _.J;t . �_,,,.4N ·r ~ • . -~~v'PMJ·-~10 J UL i t'n~ .- (h . . . , L v. 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Its special immunity is vanishing. "model" aspects are blun-ed and may be one altogettLer Says one Negro leader here: "What the city is finding out is tha this whole movement is not about a han burger (lunch counter dc.-egregation) . ff. about better schools, housing and job.-." A white scholar add : BIOSS/\T " We in Atlanta have progressed cnoug to have acqui red some of the same problems northem cities have And we're stupid enough to have created some or the sam problems, too." Currently the city is torn by argument over loca tion o certain new Negro housing. Under Mayor Ivan Allen, some low-rent public hou ·ing uni and some privately financed Negro dwellings are planned for ju one large area where Negro housing is already heavily concentrated NAACP leaders are bitterly contesting the plan on the ground i will fo ter further growth of a sector that is well on the way t becoming the city's single . huge Negro ghetto. They want the ne construction spread beyond this southwest Atlanta area. FOR LONG years, a good part of the city's Negro populatio was, in fact. scatter ed widely in "poverty pocket.-" of varyin size. The commercial boom, tile freeway network and ur ba renewal have combined to v.ripe out many of the e pocke altogc•ther. Others are on the way to disappearin!!. Displace Negroes move to the swelling southwestern "wedge" wl1ere it ·, now propo. ed to add the controversial housing. The issue is not yet re olved. But leaders see it as a troubl some factor in the equation that keeps Atlanta in haky peace. A moclc•stly hopeful step, growing out of ta. Se1itellllit:nviolence. was the city's creation of a Community Relation Commi. ion- a 20-memher group led by a respected attorney, lrvina Kah le N~g,~oes and whites ajjke commend the inquisitive heari;~~s co1 m1ss1011 panels have held in various slum sector . Slum residcn have had ample chance to air grievances. But, since the commission has only advisory authority. 01 Negro leaders are skeptical of the prospect of m uch real benefit. The c-rcdit to Atlanta for smoothly desegregating public ~ commodahons and some schools has worn thin. l\Iost Neg leaders today sec the city as just another Chicago or Clcvelan<.I 11ut domg enough about schools, jobs and hou, ing. (Newspaper Enterprlse Assn.) The most difficult of all virtues is the forgiving spin Revenge seems to be natural with man; it is human want to get even with an enemy. - William Jennings Bry �1~" £0'T Juil.~ 67 AC0'7 ... ( 1 ~ 12 7 0 A uw30 PD ATI..MTA 8A ,, HF'T MONOllABI..£ IVAN AU.EN JR JIIAYO,fi Th£ Of ATUH'rA ~11..A, DEM ftAYOft ALLEN.. t OAP£ T'O Tt'IE CITY. Of ATLANTA f'\JU.T EXKCTiflla THAT 1 AS AN tU.ClllCAk CI TI Z£N AR;! A$ A HVlll~N Jl[tNQ IIOlU) • m,1:rw IITH TMt. CIO~m N«) M:$P£CT ~ , . 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JTlrS.fl "" ,,-.Avn,14 AS A ..: �.WSIC!A.N HAYE TA.KEN ft£ THROl.Gt«iittr TNt s-Dtmi!EP.N t,:!TEO ST~ttt Uf~WlNQ t~H STAttS SOUTH CAAm.JkA At«) VI~'UWt!., IH ~t: Of TC.Sf i TATlS MA.Vt: I l!!E[_W QEUUO THE AO.CiSS TO Yl'!eA F'AC It, tTtESi! l ~A~'T rtVt!tS1'in ~'Y $tj P'Rl$£ n, fJ.f.Kj ~:r ,l,Tf_nt'!'A ft~flQ!A it-t.r~ P.~i'~)ffi'S TQ RE??If.Sf!.f:fTlt YH!. SN>THS .•t.£AttSY AD~M--iCEME~T tilt Rt.t.lf. f
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 3

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_003.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 3
  • Text: /i4 I<~J/N "-- ~ )f~ ~ ~ \l-Pv MM 'U l ~IY/1 - tJ/vJ_ /:a !vf/; !VII A"i~ > -~IO wr - 5 I) J/Jr j ~ J ,, -' I"' g_/_tf__ l?L /-LL, l!id Mies i'tf,,. f- - llfl'l.. (Q.f (()/ t111t _IA_ /1..i.)N~ Mt1R1J_ I'/,;... ~4 l',f,,~_j N,c~ !If, IV!-/ /1/tss 1f1/r. �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 6

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_006.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 6
  • Text: August 7, 1967 Mr . John T . William 34Z0 Sheridan Drive Durham, North Carolina Dear Mr. William : I certainly appreci te your taking the time to write me regarding the recent CBS new cast you a of bat is going on in Atlanta . Regardle of ll you do and the incere concern ·o f all citizen , it is no a .sur nee that trouble will not occur . I am mo t gr teful for your cOIDmendation of our efforts. Sincerely, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor lAJr: o �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 14

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_014.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 14
  • Text: July 10, 1967 R verend J. D. Grier, Jr. 596 Glen Irie Drive, N. E .. Atlanta, G , rgia 30308 De r Reverend Grier: In reply to your wire ration Br dba ket,. I would su ge t th t you communic t ith th nagement of the R g ncy Hotel concerning the areas of discrimination which you mention d. Should there any t r of per on 1 discou;rte i you m y w.ish to bring to . ttentio11 of th Community R l tiona Commha ion of City of Atl nta. you ahoulcl con ct I',. Irving Kal r . I m dvieiug him of your ir • li you feel that ny provi ions of the Civil Righ Bill have en violated., they hould r ported to th Ju tic rtment. Sincerely, 11 JAJr:am ec: r. Ir lng Kaler , Jr. �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 25

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_025.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 25
  • Text: June 29 , 1967 Mr. Wm. F . Buc hanan Edenfield, Heyman & Sizemore 310 Fulton Federal Building Atlanta , Georgia 30303 Dear Mr. _thchanan : Thank you for your letter of June 27th and for your kind_,. r emarks. I'll try to follow your advice • • • sometimes you have to shoot them on the ground. Sincerely yours, Ivan Allen, Jr. Mayor IAJr/br �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017

Box 13, Folder 21, Document 30

http://allenarchive.iac.gatech.edu/originals/ahc_CAR_015_013_021_030.pdf
  • Result Type: Item
  • Item Type: Text
  • Title: Box 13, Folder 21, Document 30
  • Text: SCOTT NIXON SFC Building · · June 25th., ' 67 AUGUSTA 30902 Mr. Ivan Allen, Mayor City of Atl anta, At lenta, Georgia,. Dear MaYor Allen: .All of u s here in the state of Geor gia regr et the events that have occured in your City especially when you were one of the avant garde who championed the Negro cause when the hyst eria had i ts beginning. It to give feet o f they be is a pity that those who have been the le aders in this movement the Negro all he a sks for and more besi des, overleoked the simple nature that when privileges are ·extended that are not earned whether, Negro, white, children or soldieBs their demands are never sat i ated. Children learn early in life that a little yelling get s one thing and its repe~etion gets more s o, that is what you have today: the old spoiled child telni que. All of us respect authority th at remains firm and never deviates. - Here is August a, we have been free of such ai d mehy are smug in t he feeling it won ' t happen here however , I contend things could erupt over night should the proper agitator appear on t he scene. I am sorry that y our chickens of appeasment have cane home to roost. Cordi ally, (Fonner member of City Council ) ( " Chnirman Richmond County Conmission) �
  • Tags: Box 13, Box 13 Folder 21, Folder topic: Race relations | racial matters | 1967
  • Record Created: April 18, 2017
  • Record Updated: December 29, 2017