Box 13, Folder 21, Complete Folder

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Box 13, Folder 21, Complete Folder

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ADDRES S REPL Y T o
ATLANT A . GA .
3030 1
N EW YOR K . N . Y .
February 13, 1967
Mr . Jerom s. Har y
TI
Incorporated
TIME & LIFE Building
Rockefeller Center
ew York ,. N
York 10020
Dear Jerry:
long
It will be golfing we ther down this
o start plans for
return match.
ay before
Enclose· with thi lett r you will fin a pr
se i sued on the ribbon cutting ay of Pa chals 1
rel
mil l ion dollar motor hotel here in A'tl ant . This
event ould not cont inn
ap
l to warrant a LIPE
tory er it not for the f ct th t the und rtaking
s conceiv d , finance. an completed by m
r of
the negro co unity hr in Atl nt. Negro b
and
in uranc companie put up the two million doll

ro archit eta and
in rs tog th r ith a
ro
con truction comp y ut up th
t.Jructur.
ecor tor took over th fini h
building and
th roo , th night club , th
ting f ciliti . • tc.
Obviou ly, negro man g
t ~ it.
Atlant h ·
citi
r
th
proven r
individu
of At.l t .
a 1 der of
l th
r c r 1 tion.
hich
th
or thr
•r c cli t "
�STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES , GOALS , AND COMMIT:MENTS
Page 3
recruit, train, and hire the hard-core une mployed. When the private sector
is unable to provide e mployment to those who are both able and willing to
work, then in a free society the government must of necessity assume the
responsibility and act as the employer of last resort or must assure adequate
income levels for thos e who are unable to work.
Emergency Work Program
This Convocation calls upon the Federal Government to develo p
an emergency work program to provide jobs and new training opportunities for
the unemployed and underemployed consiste nt with the following principles:
- -The Federal Government must enlist the cooperation of government at all levels and of private industry to assure that meaningful, productive
wor k i s available to ev eryone willing and able to work.
--To create socially useful jobs1 the emergenc y work program
shoul d c once ntrate on the huge bac klog of e mployme nt needs in park s, streets,
sl urns, countrys :i::ie, schools, colleges , librarie s , a nd hospitals . To this
end a n emerge ncy work progra m should b e initiated and should hav e as its
first goa l putti ng at l e ast one mi llion of the presentl y unemployed i nto pr od ucti ve w ork at the e arlie st possibl e mo ment .
--The progra m mus t provide meani ng ful jobs--not dead- e nd, make
work proj ects--so t hat t he employment experi ence gained adds t o t he capa bilitie s and broadens the o pportu nities of the empl o yees t o become productive
members of the permane nt wo rk force of our nation .
�STATEMENT OF. PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS
Page 4
--Basic education, training, and counseling must be an integral
part of the program to assure extended opportunities for upward job mobility
and to improve employee productivity.
Funds for training, education, and
counseling should be made available to private industry as well as to
public and private nonprofit agencies.
--Funds for employment should be made available to local and
state governments, nonprofit institutions, and Federal agencies able to
demonstrate their ability to use labor productively without reducing existing levels of employment or undercutting existing labor standards or wages
which prevail for comparable work or services in the area but are not less
than the Federal minimum wage.
--Such a program should seek to qualify new employees to become part of the regular work force and that normal performance standards
are met.
--The operation of the program should be keyed to specific,
localized unemployment problems and focused initially on those areas
where the need is most apparent.
Private Employment, Assistance and Investment
'
All representatives of the private sector in this Urban Coalition
decisively commit themselves to assist the deprived among us to achieve
full participation in the economy as self-supporting citizens. We pledge
full - scale private endeavor through creative job- training and employment ,
�STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS
Page 5
managerial assistance, and basic investment in all phases of urban developme;1t.
The alternatives to a massive and concerted drive by the private
sector are clear.
They include the burden of wasted human and physical
potential, the deterioration of the healthy environment basic to the successful
operation of any business, and the dangers of permanent alienation from our
society of millions of citizens.
We propose to initiate an all-out attack on the unemployment
problem through the following steps:
--In cooperation with government, to move systematically and directly into the ghettos and barrios to seek out the unemployed and underemployed and enlist them in basic and positive private training and employment programs. We will re-evaluate our curre nt testing procedures and
employment standards so as to modify or eliminate those practices and
requirements that unnecessarily bar many persons from gainful employment
by business or access to union membership.
--To create a closer relationship between private employers
and public training and emergency employment programs to widen career
opportunities for our disadvantaged citizens.
To this end, we will proceed
immediate ly to promote "Earn and Learn Centers" in depressed urban areas
that might well be the joint venture of business, labor and local government.
- -To develop new training and related programs to facilitate the
earl y entry of under- qualified persons into industrial and commercial employment.
�STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS v AND COMMITMENTS
Page 6
--To develop large-scale programs to motivate the young to
continue their education. Working closely with educators, we will redouble
our efforts to provide part-time employment, training, and other incentives
for young men and women. We also pledge our active support to making
quality education readily accessible to deprived as well as advantaged
young people .
--To expand on-the-job training programs to enhance the career
advancement prospects of all employees, with particular emphasis on those
who now must work at the lowest level of job classifications because of
educational and skill deficiencies.
We pledge to mobilize the managerial resources and experience of
the private sector in every way possible. We will expand part-time and fulltime assistance to small business development. We will strive to help residents
of these areas both to raise their level of managerial know-how and to obtain
private and public investment funds for development. We will work more
closely with public agencies to assist in the management of public
projects. We will encourage more leaders in the private sector to get directly
and personally involved in urban problems so that they may gain a deeper
understanding of these problems and be of greater assistance.
We pledge our best efforts to develop means by which major private investment may be attracted to the renovation of deteriorating neighborhoods in our cities . We will expl ore and encourage governmental incentives
to expedite private investment. We will develop new method s of combining
�r:
STATEMENT OF PRIN:::IPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS
Page 7
investment and managerial assistance so that the residents may achieve
a leadership position in the development of their areas.
Housing, Reconstruction, and Education
This Convocation calls upon the nation to take bold and immediate
action to .fulfill the national need to provide "a decent home and a suitable
living environment for every American family" with guarantees of equal access
to all housing, new and existing.
The Urban Coalition shall, as its next
order of busines s, address its e lf to the development of a broad program of
urban reconstruction and advocacy of appropriate public and private action
to move toward these objective s, including the goal of r ehabilitation and
construction of at least a million housing units for lowe r-income famili e s
annually.
This Convocation calls upon the nation to create e ducational
programs tha t will e quip a ll young Ameri can s for full a nd productive participation in our socie ty to the full potential of the ir abilities.
This will require
c oncentrat e d compen satory programs to equalize opportunities for achieveme nt.
Earl y c hild hood e ducation must b e ma d9 universal . W ork a nd s tudy programs
must be gr eatl y expanded to enlist thos e young people w ho now drop out of
school .
Financial barri ers that now d e ny to youngste rs from l ow-income
families the opportunity for highe r e duca tion must b e e liminate d. Curre nt
programs must be increased sufficiently to wipe out adult illiteracy withi n
five years.
�STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS
Page 8
This Convocation calls upon local government, business, labor,
religions, and civil rights groups to create counterpart local coalitions where
they do not exist to support and supplement this declaration of principles.
This Convocation calls upon all Americans to apply the same
determination to these programs that they have to past emergencie s. We are
confide nt that, given this commitment, our society h as the ingenuity to
allocate its resources and devise the techniques necessary to rebuild cities
and still meet our other national obligations without impairing our financial
integrity. Out of past emergencies , w e ha ve drawn stre ngth and progress.
Out of the present urban crisis we can build cities that are places, not of
disorder and despair, but of hope and opportunity.
The task we set for out-
selves will not be ea sy, but the needs are massive and urgent, and the hour
is late. We pledge ourselves to this goal for as long as it take s to accomplish it.
W e ask the h e lp of the Congress and the Na tion.











Thi s stat eme nt w a s unanimously a dopted by me mbe rs of the Steering C ommittee
and the ir representatives at a meeting Wednesday , August 23, 19 67. Mr. Roy
Ash and Mr. The odore Schlesinger were unabl e to attend or to b e represented.
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�August 7 , 1967
Mr. Stanley Milton Tudor
P . 0 . Box 93
Lo ell, Michigan
Dear Mr . Tudor:
I c rta.inly ppreciate your takin the tun to r ite
me reg rding the recent CBS ne c ·st you w .o f
bat ls oing on in Atlan •
Regardle · of all you do and the sincere conc ern of
all citizens , it i no
Ill' nee that tl'ouble
ill not
occur.
I am m t gr teful for your commendation of our
efforts .
Sincerely.
Ivan Alle: , · Jr .
Mayor
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�August 7, 1967
Mr . John T . William
34Z0 Sheridan Drive
Durham, North Carolina
Dear Mr. William :
I certainly appreci te your taking the time to write
me regarding the recent CBS new cast you a of
bat is going on in Atlanta .
Regardle
of ll you do and the incere concern ·o f
all citizen , it is no a .sur nee that trouble will not
occur .
I am mo t gr teful for your cOIDmendation of our
efforts.
Sincerely,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor
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T a i . in fur er r ly to yo r lett r of .July l

apec:ifi~ Uy co c nu
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July 19, 1967
· Mr . E . M . Laws
137 Griffin Street, N . W .
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear M r . L.aw :
Thi will acknowledge receipt of your letter of July
18th regarding the Coordinating Commi ttee which you
have organized and the future meetings with city
officials .
I ani asking M r. John Robinson of my taff to contact
you regarding the plans that hould be made . It ould
be helpful if you would give M r. Robinson a li t of the
Na h - Bans Coordinating Committee . I arn
king him
to erve a my coordinator with your committee.
Sincerely yours,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
M ayor
lAJr/br
CC: Mr. Dan Sweat
Mr. John Robinson
�July 19, 1967
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Mr . John Robins on
FlO M :
Mrs . Ann Mose~
Dear John:
As you will recall, this is the Committee that the Mayor told
Mr . Lawa to formulate at that meeting .
I think it would b wi - e for you to go talk to him, get a list of
the Committee and ome general topic they wish to discuss ,
and then let me know how you want to work out uch a meeting.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs . Ann Moses ,
Executive Secretary
AM /br
CC: Mr. Dan Sweat
�July 18., 1967
Honerable Ivan Allen., Jro
Mapr City Of Atlanta .
City Hall
68 Mitchell street., SoV.
Atlanta., Geet'fjla 3Q303,
Deer Mayor Allan
At a meeting held in the auditorium of the Gl'EA Bu!ldin§;--201 Ashby
Street., N.v •., attended by fifty five citizens of the Nash.Bans Area.,
referemce was made to the fact that I., organizer of the Nash-Bans
Coordinating COmmittee., had. written you two letters and have riot
received a reply from elthero
In one letter., an invitation was extended to yeu to appear before
the ahwe named group for the purpose of describing in some detail,
the manner and m.ent to which you wish the committee to cooperate
and assist in the proposed Url:lan Rene:wal Development under consideration for the Nash~Bans Community.
·
The comnlttee represents every church ln the cotimunlty. Also, nery
parent mese child is in attendance at EJ.. Ware., "English Avenus., or
M.M. Betlmne Schools., is represented by the P.T .A. of each f the
tbr8e Schools. In addition., Business, Fratemal, Civic and Professional
Organizations are also represented.
The purpose of this letter., however., ls focused on the future;. Therefore,
we would appreciate a c~llllllUl:dcatlon from you indicating the earliest
~ssible date when you and other appropriate city officials C0Uld meet
with this collllittee.
A special meeting of the comaittee will be called i1111ediately upon
receipt of a connmlt:atlon from y.u indicating your availabllf.ty to
appear before lts maberso
Respectfully yours.,
1
EM1lkw
rfjlf_.
E. Mo ~




ws






�Honorab le I van Allen, J r.
Mayor
Atlanta, Geor gia
Dear .1ayor Allen:
Th e du ties an d ob li gations a ssoci a te d with t h e
closin g of shcool an d assisti n g in t h e Unite d Ne gro Colle ge
Fun d Camp ai gn , a re my e xp lanations f or the del ay in f ormerl y
acknowle dgin g my accep tance of the assi gnment y ou hav e me
a t t he Cos mop olit an A. M. E. Ch urch , Tues day n i gh t, Jun e 6 ,
196 7.
Th is comes to in f orm y ou t h at I have a lre ady
h a d t wo meetin gs with a s ma ll group of conce rne d citi ze ns,
r epresentin g r e li gi ous, f r a terna l, ci vic a nd busine ss
or gan iz a tions. An ot her meeting is sche du le d f or e ar l y
next week.
In due co ur se , I sh a ll s ub mit to y ou t he name s
and i den ti f y t he i nteres t s a nd c onne ct i ons of t h e p erson s
sele ct e d .
~ in ce r ely y our s,
f: /1(, ~
E. M. Laws
13 7 Gr i ff in St ., N.
Atl ant a , Georgia
v.
�- ---- ~----------~-- - --- -
- - - -----
by James P. Comer
e Social Power
of the Negro
~----
Reprinted with J:!Frm 1ss1on. Copyright ~
1967 by Scientific American, Jnc. All ri ghl
reserved.
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20
�The concept of "black power" is an
infl amm atory one. It was introduced
in an atmosphere of militancy (during
James Meredith's march through Mississippi last June) and in many quarters it has been equated with violence
and riots. As a result the term distresses
white friends of the Negro, frightens
and angers others and causes many
Negroes who are fearful of white disapproval to reject the concept without
considering its rationale and its merits.
The fact is th at a form of black power
may be absolutely essential. The experience of Negro Americans, supported
by numerous historical and psychological studies, suggests that the profound
needs of the poorest and most alienated
Negroes cannot be met-,-and that there
can therefore be no end to racial unrest-except through the influence of a
unified , organized Negro community
with genuine political and economic
power.
Why are Negro effo rts to ach ieve
greater unity and power considered unnecessary and even dangerous by so
many people, Negro as well as white,
friends as well as enemies? I believe it
is because the functions of group power
- and hence the consequences of political and economic impotence-are
not understood by most Americans.
The "melting pot" myth has obscured
the critical role of group power in the
adj ustment of white immi grant groups
in this country.
When immigrants were fa ced with
discrimi nation, exploitation and abuse,
they turned in on th emselves. Sustained
psychologically by the bonds of their
cultural heritage, they maintai ned family, religious, and social institutions
that had great stabilizing force . The
institutions in turn fostered group unity.
Family stability and group unity-plus
access to political machinery, jobs in
industry and opportunities on the frontier- led to group power: immigrants
voted, gained political influence, held
public office, owned land and operated
businesses. Group power and influence
expanded individual opportunities and
facilitated individual achievement, and
within one or two generations most immigrants en joyed the benefits of firstclass American citizenship.
The Negro experience has been very
different. The traumatic effects of separation from Africa, slavery, and the
denial of political and economic opportunities after the abolition of slavery
created divisive psychological and social forces in the Negro community.
Coordinated group action, which was
certainly appropriate for a despised
minority, has been too little evid ent;
Negroes have seldom moved cohesively
and effectively against discrim ination
and exploitation. These abuses led to
the creation of an impoverished , und ereducated, and al ienated group-a sizable minority among Negroes, disproportionately large compared with other
ethnic groups. This troubled minority
has a self-defeating "style" of li fe that
leads to repeated fa ilure, and its plight
and its reaction to that plight are at the
core of the continuing racial conflict
in the U.S. Only a mea ningful and
powerful Negro community can help
members of this group realize their potenti al, and thus alleviate racial unrest.
The importance of "black power" becomes comprehensible in the light of
the interrelation of disunity, impotence, and alienation.
The roots of Negro division are of
African origin. It is important to realize that the slave contingents brought
out of Africa were not from a single
ethnic group. They were from a nu mber of groups and from many different
tribes with different languages, custom s, traditions , and ways of life. Some
were farmers, some hunters and gatherers, some traders. There were old
animosities, and these were exacerbated
by the dynamics of the slave trade itself. (Today these same tribal animosities are evident, as in Nigeria, wh ere
centuries-old conflict among the Ibo,
Hausa, and Yoruba tribes threatens
to disrupt the nation. A significant
num ber of slaves came from these very
tribes.)
T he cohesive potential of the captives was low to begin with , a nd the
breakup of kinship groupings, which in
Africa had defined people's roles and
rel ations, decreased it fu rther. Presu mably if the Africa ns had been settled in
a free land , they would in time h ave
organized to build a new society meeting their own needs. Instead they were
organized to meet the needs of th eir
masters. The sl aves were scattered in
sm all groups (the average holding was
only between two and five slaves)
that were isol ated from one another.
The small number and mixed origins
of each plantation's slaves made the
maintenance of any oral tradition, and
thus of any tribal or racial identity and
pride, impossible. Moreover, any
group ing that was potentially cohesive
because of family, kinship , or tribal
con nections was deliberately divided or
tightly controlled to prevent rebellion.
Having absolute power, the master
could buy and sell, could decree cohabitation, punishment or death, could
provide food , shelter, and clothing as
he saw fit. The system was engraved
21
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in law and maintained by the religious
and political authorities and the armed
forces; the high visibility of the slaves
and the lack of places to hide made
escape almost inconceivable.
The powerless position of the slave
was traumatic, as Stanley M. E lkins
showed in his study of Negro slavery.
The male was not the respected provider, the protector and head of his
household. T he female was not rearing
her child to take his place in a rewarding society, nor could she count on
protection from her spouse or any responsible male. The reward for hard
work was not material goods and the
recognition of one's fellow men but
only recognition from the master as a
fa ithful but inferior being. The master
- "the man"-became the necessary
object of the slave's emotional investment, the person whose approval he
needed. T he slave could love or hate
or have ambivalent feelings about the
relationship, but it was the most important relationship of his life.
In this situation self-esteem depended on closeness or similarity to
the master, not on personal or group
power and achievement, and it was
gained in ways that tended to divide
the Negro pop ulation. H ouse slaves
looked down on field hands, "mixedbloods" on "pure blacks," slaves with
rich and important masters on slaves
whose masters had less prestige. T here
was cleavage between the " troublemakers" who promoted revolt and sabotage
and the "good slaves" who betrayed
them, and between slave Negroes and
free ones. The development of positive
identity as a Negro was scarcely possible.
22
It is often assumed that with the end
of the Civil War the situation of the
free Negroes was about the same as that
of immigrants landing in America. In
reality- it was quite different. Negroes
emerging from slavery entered a society at a peak of racial antagonism.
They had long since been stripped of
their African heritage; in their years
in America they had been unable to
create much of a record of their own;
they were deeply marked by the degrading experience of slavery. Most
significant, they were denied the weapons they needed to become part of
American life : economic and political
opportunities. No longer of any value
to their former masters, they were now
direct competitors of the poor whites.
The conditions of life imposed by the
" Black codes" of the immediate postwar period were in many ways as harsh
as slavery had been. In the first two
years after the end of the war many
Negroes suffered violence and death at
the hands of unrestrained whites; there
was starvation and extreme dislocation.
In 1867 the Reconstruction Acts put
the South under mil itary occupation
and gave freedmen in the 11 Southern
states the right to vote. (In the North,
on the other hand, Negroes continued
to be barred from the polls in all but
nine states, either by specific racial
qualifications or by prohibitive taxation. Until the Fifteenth Amendment
was ratified in 1870, only some 5 per
cent of the Northern Negroes could
vote.) The Reconstruction Acts also
provided some military and legal protection, educational opportunities, and
health care. Reconstruction did not,
however, make enough land available
to Negroes to create an adequate power
base. The plantation system meant that
large numbers of Negroes· remained
under tight control and were vulnerable
~
to economic reprisals. Although Ne.
groes could outvote wh ites in some
states and did in fact control the LouisiaDa and South Carolina legislatures,
the franchise did not lead to real power.
.This lack of power was largely due
to the Negro's economic vulnerability,
but the group divisions that had developed during slavery also played a
part. It was the "mixed-bloods" and
the house slaves of middle- and upperclass whites who had acquired some
education and skills under slavery; now
many of these people ·became Negro
leaders. They often had emotional ties
to whites and a need to please them,
and they advanced the cause· of the
Negroes as a group most gingerly.
Moreover, not understanding the causes
of the apathy, lack of achievement,
and asocial behavior of some of their
fellows, many of them found their Negro identity a source of shame rather
than psychological support, and they
were ready to subordinate the needs
of the group to personal gains that
would give them as much social and
psychological distance from their people as possible. The result was that
Negro leaders, with some notable exceptions, often became the tools of white
leaders. Through out the Reconstruction
period meaningful Negro power was
being destroyed, and long before the
last Negro disappeared from Southern
legislatures Negroes were powerless.
Under such circumstances Negro
economic and educational progress was
severely inhibited. Negro-owned businesses were largely dependent on the
impoverished Negro community and
were operated by people who had little
education or experience and who found
it difficult to secure financing; they
could not compete with white businesses. Negroes were largely untrained
for anything but farm labor or domestic
�- -- - - -- - - - - -- -- -- - - - ~- - - - - - - - -- - -
work, and a white social structure maintaining itself through physical force
and economic exploitation was not
likely to provide the necessary educational opportunities. Minimal fac ilities,
personnel and funds were provided for
the "Negro schools" that were established, and only the most talented Negroes were able-if they were luckyto obtain an education comparable to
that available to whites.
As John Hope Franklin describes it
in R econstruction after the Civil War,
the Reconstruction was ineffective for
the vast majority of Negroes, and it
lasted only a sh ort time: Federal troops
had left most Southern states by 1870.
While Negroes were still stru ggling for
a first foothold, national political developments made it advisable to placate Southern leaders, and the Federal
troops were recalled from the last three
Southern states in 18 77 . There was a
brief period of restraint, but it soon
gave way to violence and terror on a
large scale. Threats and violence drove
Negroes away from the polls. Racist
sheriffs, legislators, and judges came
into offi ce. Segregation laws were
passed, buttressed by cou rt decisions
and law enforcement practices, and
erected into an institution that rivaled
slavery in its effectiveness in excluding
Negroes from public affairs-business,
the labor movement, government, and
public education.
'At the time-and in later years-white
people often pointed to the most depressed and unstable Negro and in effec t made his improvement in education and behavior a condition for the
granti ng of equal opportunities to all
Negroes . Wh at kind of people made up
this most disadvantaged segment of the
Negro- community? I believe it can be
shown that these were the Negroes who
had lived under the most traumatic and
disorganized conditions as slaves. Family life had been prohibited , discouraged or allowed to exist only under
precarious conditions, with no recourse
fro m sa le, separation, or sexual violation. Some of these people had been
treated as breeding stock or work animals; many had experienced brutal and
sadistic physical and sexual assaults.
In many cases the practice of reli gion
was forbidden , so that even self-respect
as "a child of God" was denied them.
Except for running away (and more
tried to escape than has generally been
realized) th ere was nothing these slaves
could do but adopt various defense
mech ani sms. They respond ed in various ways, as is poignantly recorded in
a collection of firstha nd accounts obtained by Benjamin A. Botkin. Many
did as li ttle work as they could without
being punished, thus developing work
habits that were not conducive to success after slavery. Many sabotaged the
master's tools and other property, thus
evolving a disrespect for property in
general. Some resorted to a massive·
denial of the real ity of their lives and
took refuge in apathy, thus creating the
slow-moving, slow-thinking stereotype
of the Southern Negro. Others resorted
instead to boisterous "acting out" behavior and limited their interests to
the fulfillment of such basic needs a~
food and sex.
After slavery these patterns of be-
- - ---
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23
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havior persisted. The members of this
severely traumatized group did not
value family life. Moreover, for economic reasons and by force of custom
the family often lacked a male head,
or at least a legal husband and father.
Among these people irresponsibil ity,
poor work habits, disregard for conventional standards, and anger toward
whites expressed in violence toward
one another combined to form a way
of life- a style-that caused them to
be rejected and despised by whites and
other Negroes alike. They were bound
to fa il in the larger world.
When they did fail, they turned in on
their own subculture, which accordingly became self-reinforcing. Children
born into it learned its way of life. Isolated and also insulated from outside
influences, they had little opportun ity
to change. The values, behavior patterns and sense of alienation transmitted within this segment of the population from generation to generation account for the bulk of the illegitimacy,
crime, and other types of asocial behavior that are present in disproportionate amounts in the Negro community today. This troubled subgroup has·
always been a minority, but its behavior
constitutes many white people's concept of "typical" Negro behavior and
even tarnishes the image many other
Negroes have of themselves. Over the
years defensive Negro leaders have
regularly blamed the depressed subgroup for creating a bad image; the
members of the subgroup have blamed
the leaders for " selling out." There has
been just enough truth in both accusations to keep them alive, accentuating division and perpetuating conflicts,
and impeding the development of group
consc'iousness, cooperation, power, and
mutual gains.
It is surprising, considering the h ar.s h
24
conditions of slavery, . that there were
any Negroes who made a reasonable
adjustment to freedom. Many h ad
come from Africa with a set of values
that included hard work and stability
of fam ily and tribal life. (I suspect, but
I have not been able to demonstrate,
that in Africa many of these had been
farmers rather than hunters and gatherers. ) As slaves many of them found
the support and rewards required to
maintain such values through their intense involvement in religion . From this
group, after slavery, came the Godfearing, hardworking, law-abiding domestics and laborers who prepared their
children for responsible living, in many
cases making extreme personal sacrifices to send them to trade school or
college. (The significance of this
church-oriented background in motivating educational effort and success even
today is indicated by some preliminary
findings of a compensatory education
program for which I am a consultant.
Of 125 Negro students · picked for the
program from 10 southeastern states
solely on the basis of academic prom~
ise, 95 per cent have parents who are
regular churchgoers, deeply involved
as organizers and leaders in church affa irs. )
For a less religious group of Negroes
the discovery of meaning, fulfillment,
and a sense of worth lay in a different
direction. Their creative talents brought
recogniti'on in the arts, created the blues
and jazz, and opened the entertainment industry to Negroes. Athletic excellence provided another kind of
achievement. Slowly, from among the
religious, the creative, and the athletic,
a new, educated, and talented middle
class began to emerge that had less
need of white approval than the Negroes who had managed tq get ahead
in earlier days. Large numbers of Ne-
groes should have risen into the middle
class by way of these relatively stable
groups, but because of the lack of Negro political and economic power and
the barriers of racial prejudice many
could not. Those whose aspirations
were frustrated often reacted destructively by turning to the depressed Negro subgroup and its way of life; the
subculture of failure sh aped by slavery
gained new recruits and was perpetuated by a white society's obstacles to
acceptance and achievement.
In the past 10 years or so the "Negro
revolt"-the intensifi~d legal actions,
nonviolent demonstrations, court decisions, and legislation-and changing
economic conditions have brought
rapid and significant ga ins for middleclass Negroes. The mass of low-income
Negroes have made little progress however; many have been aroused by civil
rights talk but few have benefited. Of
all Negro families, 40 per cent are clas- ,
sified as "poor" according to Social Security Admi nistration criteria. (The
figure for white families is 11 per cent.)
Low-income Negroes have menial jobs
or are unemployed; they live in segregated neighborhoods and are exploited
by landlords and storekeepers; they are
often the victims of crime and of the
violent, displaced fr ustrations of their
friends and neighbors. The urban riots
of the past few years have been the
reaction of a small segment of this
population to the frustrations of its
daily existence.
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Why is it that so many Negroes h ave
been un able to take advantage of the
Negro revolt as the immigrants did of
opportunities offered them? The major reason is that the requirements for
economic success have been ra ised.
The virtuall y free land on the frontier
is gone. T he unskilled and semisk ill ed
jobs that were ava ilable to wh ite immigran ts are scarce today, and many
unions controll ed by lower-middle-class
wh ites bar Negroes to keep the jobs
for their present members. The law
does not help here because Negroes
are underrepresented in municipal and
state legislative bodies as well as in
Congress. Negroes hold few pol icymaking positions in industry and Tegro small businesses are a negligible
source of employment.
Employment opportunities exist, of
course- for highly skilled workers and
technicians. Th ese jobs require education and training that many Negroes,
along with many white workers, lack.
The training takes time and requires
motivation, and it must be based on
satisfactory education through high
school. Most poor Negroes lack that education , and many young Negroes are
not getting it today. There are Negro
childre n who are performing adequately
in elementary school but who will fail
by the time they reach high school,
either because their schools are in adequate or because their homes and subculture will simply not sustain their
efforts in later years.
It is not enough to provide a "head
start"; studies have sh own th at gains
made as the result of the new preschool
enrichment programs are lost, in most
cases, by the third grade. Retraining
programs for workers and programs for
high school dropouts are palliative
measures that have limited value. Some
of the jobs for which people are being
tra ined will not ex ist in a few years.
Many stude nts drop out of the dropout
progra ms. Other students have such
self-defeat ing values and behavior that
they wi ll not be employable even if
they complete th e programs .
A number of investigators (Daniel
P. Moynihan is one) have po inted to
the st ru cture of the poorer Negro fam il y as the key to Negro problems. They
po int to a n important area but miss the
cru x of the problem. Certa inly the lack
of a stable family deprives many Negro ch ildren of psychological security
and of the va lues and behavior patterns
they need in order to achieve success.
Certainly many low-income Negro fam ilies lack a father. Even if it were possible to legislate the father back into
the home, however, the grim picture is
unchanged if his own values and conduct are not compatible with achievement. A father frustrated by society
often reacts by mistreating his ch ildren . Even adeq uate parents despair
and are helpless in a subculture th at
leads the ir children astray. The point
of intervention must be the subculture
that impinges on the family and in fl uences its values and style of behavior
and even its structure.
How, then, does one break the circle? Many white children who found
their immigrant fam ily and subculture
out of step with the dominant American
culture and with their own desires were
able to break away and establish a
sense of belonging to a group outside
their own-if the pull was strong
enough . Some chi ldren in the depressed
Negro group do this too. A specific
pull is often needed: some individual
or institution that sets a goal or acts as
a model.
The trouble is that racial prejudice
and alienation from the white and Negro middle class often mean that there
is little pull from the dominant culture
on lower-class Negro children. In my
work in schools in disadvantaged areas
as a consultant from the Child Study
Center at Yale I have found that many
Negro children perceive the outside
cul ture as a separate white man's
world. Once they are 12 or 14 years
old- the age at wh ich a firm sense of
racial identity is established- many
Negroes have a need to shut out the
white man's world and its va lues and
insti tutions and also to reject "wh ite
Negroes," or the Negro middle class.
Since these children see their problems
as being rac ial ones, they are more
likely to learn how to cope with these
problems from a middle-class Negro
who extends h imself than from a white
person, no matter how honest and free
of hostility and guilt the white person
may be.
25
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Unfortunately the Negro community is
not now set up to offer its disadvantaged members a set of standards and
a psychological refuge in the way the
white immigrant subcultures did . There
is no Negro institution beyond the family that is enough in harmony with the
total American culture to transmit its
behavioral principles and is meaning ul
enough to Negroes to effect adherence
to those principles and sufficiently accepted by divergent elements of the
Tegro community to act as a cohesive
force. The church comes cl osest to performing th is function, but Negroes belong to an excep tional number of different denominations, and in many
cases the denominations are divided
and antagonistic. The same degree of
division is found in the major fraternal
and civic organizations and even in civil
rights groups.
There is a special reason for some
of the sharp divisions in Negro organizations. With Negroes largely barred
from business, politics and certain labor unions, the quest for power and
leadersh ip in Negro organizations has
been and continues to be particularly
intense, and there is a great deal of
conflict. Only a few Negroes have a
broad enough view of the total society
to be able to identify the real sources
of their difficulties. And the wide divergence of their interests often makes
it difficult for them to agree on a coursf;
of action. All these factors make Negro
groups vulnerable to divide-and-conquer tactics, either inadvertent or deliberate.
Viewing such disarray, altruis ic
white people and publ ic an private
agencies have moved into the apparent
vacuum-often failing to recognize
that, in spite of conflict, existing Negro insti tutions were meeting important
psychological needs and were in close
�contact with their people. Using these
meaningful institutions as vehicles for
delivering new social services would
have strengthened the only forces capable of supporting and organizing the
Negro community. Instead, the new
age ncies, public and private, have ignored the existi ng inst itutions and have
tried to do the job themselves. The
agencies often have storefro nt locations and hire some "indigenous"
workers, but the cl ass and racial gap
is difficult to cross. The thong-sandaled,
long-haired white girl doing employment counseling may be friendly and
sympathetic to Negroes, but she cannot
possibly tell a Negro youngster (indeed, she does not know that she
should tell him ) : "You've got to look
better than the white applicant to get
the job." Moreover, a disadvantaged
Negro- or any Negro- repeatedly
helped by powerful wh ite people while
his own group appears powerless or
unconcerned is unlikely to develop satisfactory feeli ngs about his group or
himself. The effects of an undesirable
racial self- concept among many Negroes have been documented repeatedly, yet many current programs tend
to perpetuate this basic problem rather
than to relieve it.
A solution is suggested by the fact that this mech an ism Negroes who had
many successful Negroes no longer feel achieved success cou ld come in contact
the need to maintain psychological and with the large r Negro group. nstead
social distance from their own people. of the policy king, pimp, and prostitute
Many of them wa nt to help. Their pres- being the models of success in the subence and tangible involvement in the cul ture, the Negro ath lete, businessNegro comm unity would tend to bal- man, professional, and entertainer
ance the pull-the comforts and the mi ght become the models once they
immediate pleasures-of the subcul- could be respected because they were
ture. Because the functions of Negro obviously workin g for the Negro comorganizations have been largely pre- munity. These leaders would then be
empted by white agencies, however, in a pos ition to encourage and promote
no Negro institution is available throu gh hi gh-level performance in school and
which such people can work to over- on the job. At the same time broad
come a cen tury of intra- egro cl ass measures to "institutional ize" the total
alienation.
Negro experience would increase raRecently a few Negroes have begun ci al pride, a powerfu l motivating force .
to consider a plan that could meet some The entire program wou ld provide the
of the practical needs, as well as the fo undat ion for unified politicai' action
sp iritu al and psychological needs, of to give the Negro community reprethe Negro communi ty. In Cleveland, sentatives who speak in its best interNew York, Los An geles, and some ests.
That, after all, has been the pattern
smaller cities new leaders are emerging who prop ose to increase Negro co- in white America . There was, and still
hesiveness and self-respect through self- is, Irish power, German, Polish, Ital ian,
hel p enterprises: cooperatives that and . Jewish power-and in deed white
would reconstruct slums or operate Anglo-Saxon Protestant power-but
apa rtm ent buildings and businesses color obviously makes these groups
providing goods and services at fa ir less clearly identifiable than Negroes .
prices. Ideally these enterpr ises would Churches and synagogues, cultural and
be owned by people wh o mean some- fratern al societies, unions, business asthing to the Negro com muni ty- Ne- sociations, and networks of allied famgro ath letes, entertain ers, artists, pro- ilies and "clans" have served as centers
fessionals, and government workersof power that maintain group conand by Negro churches, fraternal sciousness, provide jobs and develop
groups, and civil rights organ izations . new opportunities, and join to form
The owners would share control of pressure and voting blocs. The "nathe enterprises with the people of_the tionality divisions" of the major parcommunity.
ties and the balanced ticket are two
Such undertakin gs would be far more reminders that immi grant loyalties are
th an investment opportunities for well- still not completely melted.
The idea of creating Negro enterto-do Negroes. With the proper structure they would become permanent and prises and institutions is not intend.::d
rejection of genuinely concerned
tangible institutions on which the Ne- as
gro community could focus without white people or as an indictment of
requiring a "white enemy" and into]~ all existing organizations. White peoerable conditions to unify it. Through ple of good will with interest, skills,
a
27
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The power structure of white societyindustry, banks, the press, government
-can continue, either inadvertently or
deliberately, to maintain the divisions
in the Negro community and keep it
powerless. Social and econom ic statistics and psychological studies indicate
that this would be a mistake. F or many
reasons the ranks of the alienated are
growing. No existing program seems
able to meet the needs of the most
troubled and troublesome group. It is
generally agreed that massive, immediate action is required. The form of that
action should be attuned, however, to
the historically determined need for
Negro pol itical and economic power
that will fac ilitate Negro progress and
give Negroes a reasonable degree of
control over their own destiny.

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and funds are needed and- contrary
to the provocative assertions of a few
Negroes-are still welcome in the Negro community. The kind of " black
power" that is proposed would riot
promote riots ; rather, by providing constructive channels for the energies· released by the civil rights movement, it
should diminish the violent outbursts
directed against the two symbols of
white power and oppression : the police
and the white merchants.
To call for Negro institutions, moreover, is not to argue for segregation or
discrimination. Whether we like it or
not, a number of large cities are going
to become predominantly Negro in a
short time. The aim is to make these
cities places where people can live decently and reach their highest potential
with or without integration. An integrated society is the ultimate goal, but
it may be a second stage in some areas.
Where immediate integration is possible it should be effected, but integration takes place most easily among
educated and secure people. And in
the case of immediate integration an
organized and supportive Negro community would help its members to
maintain a sense of adequacy in a situation in which repeated reminders of
the white head start often make Negroes feel all the more inferior.
-
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,_
I
James P. Comer is a fellow in psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine
He received a bachelor's degree fron
Indiana University, in 1956 and wa.
graduated from the Howard Univer
sity College of Medicine in 1960. Fol
lowing two years as a fellow in publi,
health at Howard, he took a master'.
degree in public health at the University of M ichigan in 1964. He joine, .
the psychiatric residency program a
Yale the same year.
"My interest in race relations," h,
says, "developed at an early age, in par
from both troublesome and satisfyini
experiences as a N egro youngster in 1
low-income family in a racially inte
grated community."
He adds that work as a voluntee
in an agency concerned with social rehabilitation of fam ilies w ith problem
infiuenced his decision "to train in psychiatry and to focu s on preventive an
social aspects."
This article first appeared in th
April 1967 Scientific American.
The photographs accompanying th
article are by Joel Katz. The piclllre
were taken in M ississippi and Connect·
icut in the s11111111ers of 1964 and 1966
T h e Mississippi photographs are from,
Scholar of the House project which wo1
the Strong Prize in American Literature in 1965.
�July 10, 1967
R verend J. D. Grier, Jr.
596 Glen Irie Drive, N. E ..
Atlanta, G , rgia 30308
De r Reverend Grier:
In reply to your wire
ration Br dba ket,.
I would su ge t th t you communic t
ith th
nagement
of the R g ncy Hotel concerning the areas of discrimination
which you mention d.
Should there
any
t r of per on 1 discou;rte i
you m y w.ish to bring to .
ttentio11 of th Community
R l tiona Commha ion of
City of Atl nta. you ahoulcl
con ct I',. Irving Kal r . I m dvieiug him of your ir •
li you feel that ny provi ions of the Civil Righ Bill have
en violated., they hould
r ported to th Ju tic
rtment.
Sincerely,
11
JAJr:am
ec:
r. Ir lng Kaler
, Jr.
�J'uly 10, 1967
Mr. Sam J . Welsch
64 S. Park Square
Marietta, Georgia
Dear Mr . Wel ch:
I appreciate your letter of July 8th and your
upport of my position outlined in the article
in the Atlanta Constitution of July 7th.
Sincerely yours ,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor
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�SAM J . WELSCH
ATTOR NE Y AT L AW
64 S. PAR K S QUARE
MA RIETTA , G E ORGIA
Jul y 8,1967
Mayor I van Al len,
City Hall,
Atlanta,Georgia.
Dear Mr . Mayor:
The headline , "CITY (ATLANTA ) i'v ILL NOT BE INTIMIDATED BY
VIOLENCE , MAYOR(ALLEN ) ARNS", as published on the front page of The
Atlanta Constitution , July 7,1 967, was accepted quite favorably by the
public in this area.
The crying need of this day and generation is for the
leaders of Government , be it City ,County, State ,or National,to resist
lawlessness and violence courage ously, regardless of whether any such
violence be brought about by the white , bla ck, yel low, or purple,or by a
mixture of any of them.
I do wish so sincerely tha t the President of the United
States would take a firm,positive stand against lawlessness,riots,and
violence in this country .
ith my very best wishes,I ami
Res
SJW/s
cc:
Honorable L. B. Johnson,
President,
Wash ing ton, D. C' .
e
J:
ly,
�I
July 11, 1967
Mrs . L. H. Pound
675 Amsterdam Avenue
Atlanta, Georgia
30306
Dear Mrs . Pound:
1 certainly appreciate your taking the time to
write me exp-res sing your views .
May I assure you that they will receive zny
thoughtful consideration.
Sincerely your ,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor
IAJr/br
�July 10, 1967
Mrs . Nicolette G . Flesser
9 Journal Way
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear Mrs . Fle ser:
Many thanks foz your letters stating your views
a·b out the way things are going now. We appreciate
hearing from the public, especially Atlantians .
1 hope you had an opportunity to see the Mayor on
television on Thursday after bis addre
to the
We t End Kiwani Club. If not, please try to
r ad the new paper article in Friday morning ' s
Constitution. Maybe the tide is turning.
Sincerely,
George A . Roy 1
CiAR:eo
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Dear Mayor All"' n:
I sup os 0 my opinions do noL raL 0 muoh wi+h you
also , having a cold Lhis Am -
good folks aL Gi+y Hall.
I gu0 es I'm grouchy.
How 0 ver, SP.VPral ous+omP.rs hav
oomo in+o +M shop - all wi+h curling lips - and opiniona ... l'!'d -
mys 0 lf h 0 ard you ovPr and ovPr on
V and Radio - my rea~+ions
w~rP. , alas , +h~ samP as +he early cus+omers +his morning e
Hoooy , you +a.lk VPry val1°n+ +o som~ folks - and from ,..he
o,...her side of your mou ... h 0 when +_re Negroes lay down +-he la
't'hQ Adam ' s Clo+hing s ... or
las+ Monday .
Had v.e be~n O?n
was ...he vic+im of
wP
e
+re R d-Hooda
also v.ould have been hi+.
I am glad~ werP. +alking wi+h ... he birds in+~ ooun+ry becaus
if anyone - I rrean anyol'l!:!' - had call.Pd m0
wha"" ...h~y called +he
managP.r of Adam's Clo+hing, i ... would havP. been dP.:fending my
honor ... o hav
plan+-~d a bull""+ righ ... be ... w~"'n ... hP '3,~s of ... h .e
Communis+s +aking ovP-r in our Coun ... ry e
I'm a very good s:io+ .
None of ...hesP- rio+"rs, including Carmichael, S'f'AY in Jail .
'Their oasPs arP immt3diatoly SP"' back mon"'hs.
oases ar,:,. no ...
+hings .
~VPD
pos ...Pd
-
big d al!
Bonds, in some
Now pe opl~ no+icA "'h~sa
Business p~oplP a~ gP. ...... ing fed up wi+h in"'imida"'ion ..
... hree.+ · and mayhem.
Vo ... ~rs are ... oo e
Wha,.. a sa.d si"'ua"'ion .
lifa+ ... er of faa ... , I hPar, by +hP. gra.pAvin~ down+own here,
+ha• Fu.l+on Oouo+y,
l(p ... r
10
+-lan+a. oan and will, have a negro
Mayor wh~nev~ r ,.. ~y gP,... +-hrough using you.
Sincerely
9 ., . IIRN~L WA'i
�'·~
Dear GP.o rg :
I guP-ss I ' ll always ... hink of you as very nice.
he enclosed lA+ ... ,r p ...o ...h~ Mayor , is a sor+ of 11_...... l
Porsonal s.""raigh~ +allc - in my own fashion - which is op-nbook D self pn+Prprisi(\g and lib,...r.e-y loving •
""ear i"" up - or le + "h.
~
0
.Am1'n e
You aan
lila.yor cuss , reading 1"" .
hav~ been bugg d by SP.VPral
IM
mb,...rs of Black Power .
Sine~ I •m alo~ in .a.hp shop o:f ... P.n - ... h~y s ... alk in - wan ...... he
res.., room - jobs (ha , ... ha... 1 s a laugh} or ha""s - non° of which
hav,.. ... o offer , ... hank ... he Lord.
rP- s+ room i ... would
no+- bP
... alismao s.&.a-"u
... hre
did hav 0 a private
o~n ... o ... ~ pub lie.
righ+s + oo .. · Insis ......ha"' I do !
I can poin ... ou"" ... mi,
~
BUT if
I hav~ o iv 11
And in,..P-nd ... o s ... and up for •~m.
, nigras who •or~ up my :Mamma's li+"-le
- wi ...h an
iron
pi

No
USP
... rying
whi ... P. ?OPlP have +axa"'ion wi ... hou ... represen,..a-4ion.
... o pro ...
Big mone1
kePPS boing paid ou+ ... o hush ... tB blackmailers +-hrea .... ning rio+s .
ax mo Dfl'Y
-
you SP.•?
And
som~ row
i: his riles met.
I ... hinlc lo .. s of pP-Oplll' aria giii-"'+ing riled
1.a. really doe •
i ... h "'he imbalano •
I hav~ ... old Niok I in ...Pnd +o s+-ubborcly s+ay in business.
like
oballPngP.
CJ1
I ~al
-i"
I jus'- ... akP a s ... and and in ...Pnd +-o back i+- -
wi+h my lifia if DPCPssary.
I•s +-hp principle of .,hP ...hing.
I oallPd ... hP PolioP DP.par""mPn• +-o ask abou+ criim prPVPD-41.on •
.
. ar old fPmalP do vb.'-'n ..,hr/!>a+pnffl?
"Pu ... in a buzv•r"
I was ... old. "Call ...h,.. Polioe"- I wa
o... me •
Col+ - 32.
I couldn ' ...
wa+ a fly bu+ I oould
LOVP.
and kiSS fl!l S
.a.old?
I 'm ... o+ in ' a
ess up wild dog •
�-,-
July ll, 1967
Miss Estelle Strauss
1237 Poplar Grove Drive, N. E.
Atlanta, Georgia
30306
Dear M iss Strauss:
This will acknowledge receipt of your letter
of July 10th and the copy of your letter to
Sena.tor Russell.
I certainly appreciate receiving your views
and your generous comm.ents.
Sincerely yours,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor
IAJr/br
�I
/2.Jl 'foplrut y.t10ve 01U..Ve, N.c.
At1mt.ta;
qeo~
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sena:f.ott 7U.chm,d f<Ud.dell.
o.c.
~on,
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"VAi- · of. J;
o,u.nhu;, 1 wukl. 11.k ~ J..n.p,Nn pu of. ~
condi.i.i.t,,w 1.n. ilaJA e,U,.y. And ,<J.UJ,ce flOU CVLe a ~en.tt:d:,,lve of.
.it.e. peap1.e and J.n. a po~n. i.tJ c1tvu/'I iAe. und.~~"4-1-~ ~
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1 caJJ. JAL:, ~ ,puA.
aii:.cni.,J.on.J
I ) An. o ~ n exiA-fA ht Atlanb. CJJiJ.ed. t.lt<!
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e
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41.on. of. lit ou.n&1. and. gued.J.on ilte oune4 a/xJ1d.
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pMCl!AU to ~ tAe OUlleA ika, J/. Cl!AiaJn,
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e ~ Q l t one(/)~11.£
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auo he ~r,u.cu. mUA Ao
am. aag ..Upulat I> tit o ~ 71u-,
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-


tv,~ di i.n.timl.d.all..,


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hJUlt9 hacA
fa/1.o. t,oe,t; Gd
and. .I.Jllplg~ , io
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oww. TA
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e
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�1.aM ( /01.e.A0,4 d.ai.e, 011. loool,) i.o p;wi.ed :tJi.e .i.nd.ependw. rrwu:1i.ard
pt.om .tlti.A :type o{. peMecui:i.on.. t1b.di o/ J.h.eoe [Jt./4i.n.eMM a11e no.t
i.n. a po4JU.i.on. io OJmpi.g, w.Wt 4uch. old:Atz!)wU4 d.etl¥1l11U,
All. o/ Ud <VLe ~ hJ a,;, hrud. 0,4 po44i.h1.e -!JUppatd:. :tlte
f..conoml..c Oppon.turwt,J fJJWgmint and. al.J. oi:luvt locnl., &late, and /ed.<WJ.1. o~an,Laati.oM of. Jh.e. "1ai.J. ~ bv- ~ 40}.2, /.,i Nf!.[)AOf!A
and GA mt1'1.ff cu, OIUl. buAi.n.eA4eA can. al.,-aoM. What mDA.e can. we do?
.1 anx..i.i.oud.g aaaU ~ and .c1i.nc.e!U!ig h.ope JIOU. w.i.ll /ind
iAe ii.me in .i.n.ved:.l.f;cde :th.i..4 pllObi.em uAi..clt IUM be.cmne a ~
expen,le».ee f.o.11.. all. ilte i..nd.e.pendeni:. meA.dv:.m:l:A u.lw4e. 1T0.jtJ.IU.i:.1j of.
huid.e <Zll.e i:Ae. Neg,;w~.
�MEMORANDUM
TO:
Honorable Ivan Allen Jr., Mayor of Atlanta, Georgia
FROM:
Hosea L. Williams, John Evans and Rev. Shopshire,
Spokesmen for CODCO
SUBJECT:
Requests of COD CO
DATE:
June 30, 1967
I.
SANITATION
1.
2.
3.
II.
III.
garbage collection twice weekly
trash collection once a week
streets swept at least once a week
STRICT ENFORCEMENT OF MINIMUM HOUSING CODE STANDARDS
1.
property owners owning houses in areas zoned for one-family
dwellings shall not be allowed to redesign these houses into
two and more family dwellings, rooming, boarding or apartment houses
2.
All property owners (residential, business or commercial)
shall be required to maintain their property and surroundings
in first class order whether occupied or unoccupied. All
violators should be prosecuted immediately to the fullest
extent of the law.
3.
There shall be a strict enforcement of one-family per house
in areas zoned as such.
RECREATION
1.
Lights for baseball diamond and tennis court for the Bessie ·
Branham Recreation Park.
z.
An adequate number of r e creation supervisors (hired fr om the
the community) to organize and supervise outdoor activity in
the much over -crowded Bessie Branham Park (the present
staff is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity)
3.
Adequate equipment for the Bessie Branham Park for a wellrounded outdoor recreational program for both youth and adults.
�-2-
Mayor Ivan Allen Jr.
4.
5.
June 30, 1967
Wesley Park
a. An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from
the community) to organize and supervise outdoor activity
in the much over-crowded Wesley Park (the pre sent staff
is insufficient for proper supervision of outside activity)
b.
Adequate equipment for the Wesley Park for a well-rounded
outdoor r e creational program for both youth and adults.
c.
Landscape around swimming pool
d.
Double the pool facilities.
DeKalb Memorial Park
a.
An adequate number of recreation supervisors (hired from
the community)to organize and supervise outdoor activity
in the much over-crowded DeKalb Memorial Park (t he present sta ff i s insufficie nt fo r prope r supe rvision of outside
activity)
b.
Adequate equipment for the DeKalb Memorial Park for a wellr ounded outdoor recreational program for both yout h a n d
adults.
6. A new pa r k from R od gers b a c k t o Warre n, fr om B oulev a r d t o
Memo r ial which would include the following (30 a creas of land)
a.
b.
IV.
s wim m i ng pool
b ranc h fie ld h ou se
REZONING P RA CTICES C HANGE D
1.
Rezoning petition s
a quar terly b a s i s
should be considere d by the City Council on
2.
Petitions r e j ect e d by the City Council sha ll n ot b e re s ubm itta ble
w i t hin a. 12 - month pe r iod.
3.
A pe t ition o f 2 /3 o f h omeowners within a radius of eight blocks
would be required in order to approve rezoning from residential
to commercial or apartments
4o
Property s hould not be advertised for commercial use
unless already rezoned and approved by the city council as such.
�Mayor Ivan Allen Jr.
V.
-3-
June 30, 1967
5.
A petition signed by 2/3 of the homeowners within a radius of
eight blocks should be re€J:uired to rezone any one..;family dwelling
area for any other purpose.
6.
A petition of 2/3 of the homeowners within 8 blocks should be
be required to secure a special use permit for any residential
area
7.
Rezoning petitions requireing approval of 2/3 of the homeowners
within a eight block radius must be made know to all homeowners
in the area by U.S. mail thirty days prior to presentation to the
City Council.
POLICE PROTECTION
1.
Streefu must be better patrolled for speeders.
2.
Police patrol should not be confined to just thoroughfares
3.
Resp:mse to emergency calls be made more prompt .•
4.
Complaints of law violations made to the poljce· department be
investigated immediately and the source not be made known.
Also a detailed report of the investigation shall be filed in the
police records.
VI •. SEWAGE
VII• . PAVING
1• . Oakview from Boulevard Drive, N.E. to Boulevard Drive, N.E.
2 • . D ixie Street from M emorial Drive to Wyman
(The Mayor should tour these streets
VIII• . ENCLOSE THE EDGEWOOD CREEK
IX.
HOUSING
1.
X.
The city should condemn and acquire the Wesley Homes and
the other housing projects and all the residential slum housing. ·
It should then build a low-rent housing project with adequate
recreational facilities.
SHOPPING CENTER
�INSPECTION TOUR ROUTE
Kirkwood/East Lake /Blue Heaven
June 30, 1967
Go down Delano Drive, to Rockyford Road
Turn left on Rockyford
Open Ditch {about 158 Rockyford
237 Vacant House Open
Just up the street house with hole on top
Go to Wisteria and turn right
Go-t._ to Murry Hill and turn right
Big house about 248
Go to Sisson and turn right
Go into Hill Crest turn left
At corner on left side open ditch
Go to Oakview turn right
Go to Boulevard Drive and cross on Oakview
Cn right rooming house
On left shopping center site
City used to cut grass and brush along side of street
Go to Cottage Grove and Lakeview turn left
Trash surrounding Boulevard
Oakview needs paving
Turn left on East Lake Terrace
Shopping center sit e
Special permit site
Turn left and go to top of hill
Property along 2281 is being allowed to run down so rezoning can
be applied fo r
Go to 2525 Memorial Drive - -mass r ezoning
Go to East Lake {Rezoned for filling station)
Turn left on East Lake
Go to 150 East Lake {Rezoned for Apartments)
Go to Boulevard and turn left
�Inspection Tour Route
-2-
Go to Saunders turn right
Run down house at# 37
Burned house on corner of Halmand St.
Turn left on Hallrnand
Go to Warren turn right
Go to College Avenue turn right
Go to Locus turn right
Go to 1st House on left
Go to Trotti turn right
Go back to Warren turn left
Go to Boulevard Drive turn right
Go to Hutchison turn right
Go to LaFrance turn right
Go to Mason
Little shoppinin g c enter filthy
Tur n right on Mayson
Go to Amanda turn left
See aparhnents
F o llow Street o n around t o Wesl e y
Turn left on Wesley
Turn left at First Stree t
See park and pool
Return to Wesley and turn left
Go to Forte Street
Stop at open branch
Turn around
Go back to Wesley turn left
Stop at "cell block"
Go to Marona Street turn left
June 30, 1967
�June 29 , 1967
Mr. Wm. F . Buc hanan
Edenfield, Heyman & Sizemore
310 Fulton Federal Building
Atlanta , Georgia
30303
Dear Mr. _thchanan :
Thank you for your letter of June 27th and for
your kind_,. r emarks.
I'll try to follow your advice • • • sometimes
you have to shoot them on the ground.
Sincerely yours,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor
IAJr/br
�LAW OFF IC ES
EDENFIELD , HEYMAN & SIZEMORE
310
HERM AN HEYMAN
NE WE LL EDENFIELD
L AMAR W. SIZEMORE
ROBERT
TER RY
W. DAN
FEDERAL
BUILDI NG
WI LLI AM
F . BUCH ANAN
OF COUNSEL
G. Y OUNG
June 27, 1967
P. McKENNA
ROBERT
WILLIAM
FULTON
ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30303
E . HICK S
ARTHUR
HEYM A N
( 1867- H,.51)
H. MAJOR
GREER
MAUR ICE N . MALOOF
JOSEP H LEF K OFF
BENJ AM I N
TELEPH ONE
521-2268
H. OEHLERT ID
Mayor Ivan Allen
City Hall
Atlanta, G€ orgia
30303
Dear I van:
I want to congratulate you on your refusal to obey .the demands
made at the whim of the self-appointed Negro leader in the
Kirkwood district, who claims to be a preacher, to wit, Hosea
Williams. He has never been elected by the people to any office.
You are the Mayor of Atlanta. If there is any discrepancy in
street work, garbage collection, or sewage disposal you have
the heads of departments whose duty it is to investigate these
matters and in the proper time, correct them.
When Hosea Williams refuses to show the heads of city departments
the reasons behind his complaints he is acting in a highly
capricious and dictorial manner .
I phoned your office once before and requested that you be told
that it was my opinion that you made a mistake every time
you went to a Negr o mass meeting which is organized for the
purpose of stating their wrath against the c ity government for
any reason.
Any citizen should know to go to . the City Hall to make his
complaint and I think it humiliates you and your office
when you go to a Negro YMCA, church, or school to talk to
Negro or white people or Israeli, Arabs, or Egyptians about
their dissatisfaction with the performance of some he ad of
department in their community. You merely expose yourself
to some smart-aleck Negro who gets up and makes a firey
speech condemning y ou and the administration of the city
government, and at such a meeting common sense and good judgment are thrown out the window.
Ivan, I was raised on the other side of the tracks, with Negroes.
I have known them for over seventy years. The more you give
them, the more they demand. There is no end to their wanting.
�Mayor Ivan Allen
June 27, 1967
Page Two
At one time they would ask, but now they simply demand or
else threaten the government.
The Police Department is organized to handle these young
hoodlums, and it is a mistake for you to expose yourself
to these organized riots.
I once worked for the Sanitary Department; so did my father
and my grandfather. Atlantal s Sanitary Department has
continued, and today is giving the best service that Atlanta
has received in my lifetime, and I wasn't born yesterday.
With personal regards.
WFB:ld
�June 27, 1967
MEMORANDUM
TO:
George
Mr. B. M. Huggins, 377-4315, calledtodayregardingtheY.S.D.
Boys Club in Kirkwood. Mr. Huggins advised he is the owner of
a building at 75 Norwood Ave., N.E. and the Boys Club rents this
building from him. He advised that since these Negro boys had
moved into the building they had broken out the windows and the
building was in deplorable condition. He also stated that they
do not have any garbage cans but dump the garbage in a ditch in
back of the building.
The Sanitary Dept. could not be expected
to get up this garbage.
He submits this only as information that in a short period of
time they have ruined a good building and has no bearing on
neglect of city services.
elaine
�r.J. ••
.,..
·... limitation i:han to !t c
iack market distribuJp."
l
I
r
II
I
I

mvilllngness to heed
warnings of some
die medical profes_derscored for Hell·1, -w hen his own
--' told him she
t a l;fetime supply
~ceptives beiore his
".2me out, if it was
.()mmend w:ithdraw·:n the market.
. women are taking
this country "bed.."'Illand for U is so
their own doctors,
profession in gen:ilOlv even the fed_nent do not dare to
id the medication,"
,-aid.
Puerto Rico
,.'!Ss testing of the
.! in Puerto Rico
., ·;cation of safety
·om tha t experi,. Jropo ut rate of
i was more than
·t year, the mag·'.t, and no sys_·1p l3 possible.
' 'mcu.s, pill pioas saying, "Per,. 20 per cent of
k" for followup.
~"t_ British Medical
··cit e&1imates that
·rmone contracept her risk of clot; There can be no
' 1ubt that some
, omboembolic dis···.sociated with the
~ntraceptives, its
, are impossible


o reliable data


•g disease and
·omen who don't
ceptives. But the
•.!S a number of
.-.nose clinical experi.;~ces them or the
r those on the
Bos ton, (AP) -S tokely Carmichael led a ma rch th ro ugh the
streets of Bos ton's heaviily Ne-.
.g ro Roxbury section yesterday
and told Negroes they mu s t
take cont rol of the land and
stores in their ar eas.
"Vve will control things i-n our
communiti es by an y means necessary, h e told · a r ally in
Franklin Parle
.
"If h unky [the white m an]
gets his store bombed out every
Friday or Sat urday,' ' Car michael
said, "he's going to have t o sell
it to us ."
He also told the crowd that
the only way to stop "racis t
aggression" by police "is by
armed resistance." He did n ot
elaborate but said, "as long as
injustice prevails, there will be
no peace."
·
Boston's Acting Mayor Barry
T. Hynes had criticized Carm ichael's v isit, saying he "incites violence w:herever he goes"
and warned that violence would
not be tolerated. Roxbury was
the scene of Negro rioting the
weekend of J une 2-4.
There was only one m inor incident yester<lay. Police arrested a •w hite man who was carrying a sign reading, "I fight
povert;r, I work." He scuffled
with a small group of Negr:oes
and was charged with breach
o the peace.
Carmichael was expected to
return to Atlanta, where eh was
released from ja il Saturday after posting a $1,000 appeal
bond.
'
,
.. '
[
j
! '
J,,. r ~;"
-I',;_
...
ii,_,
Associate: ....
. Franlde Hayes
his father, Frank. .
Frankie dled of Le,·
disease he thougf
beaten. Story on P
Schools S uperintend,.
childhood programs, wh \l
'in the city schools.
.L,
,·?-1
Stress ing the SJ)ecial r:
the depressed areas of tl.
Donovan said a "very
strengthening of the pr
would be forthcoming . .
But he reserved deta .
program a nd its financ·
press confe rence later
Board of Education .
ters in Brooklyn.
On W ABC-TV's "Th,
tendent of Schools Rep
novan said yesterday 1.
three major problems o: -y1
/JA.U )t.,,.J
schools are money, a k t-/µf I - · /
shortage and the lack of ,
)
room space.
Loca:1 schools will rece
neded state aid only if , th
Legislature , accflpts the city I
f/l---vt'-J'
tl!,,(
..
'
_j_
.u
I I'-',-.--..,. .
�June 26, 1967
Mr. Scott Nix.on
SFC Building
Augusta, Georgia
30902
Dear M r . Nixon :
In reply to your kind letter of June 25th, I think. you
put the cart befor the horse. The Negro citizen
earned and deserved full American citizenship
many years ago. The fact that he has been denied
these rights and privileges through the years is the
reason for our problems today.
It is not going to be easy to correct the mi takes of
the past hundred years, but some how or other. we
will do it.
Sincerely your ,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
M yor
JAJr/br
�SCOTT NIXON
SFC Building · ·
June 25th., ' 67
AUGUSTA
30902
Mr. Ivan Allen, Mayor
City of Atl anta,
At lenta, Georgia,.
Dear MaYor Allen:
.All of u s here in the state of Geor gia regr et the events
that have occured in your City especially when you were one of the avant
garde who championed the Negro cause when the hyst eria had i ts beginning.
It
to give
feet o f
they be
is a pity that those who have been the le aders in this movement
the Negro all he a sks for and more besi des, overleoked the simple
nature that when privileges are ·extended that are not earned whether,
Negro, white, children or soldieBs their demands are never sat i ated.
Children learn early in life that a little yelling get s one thing and
its repe~etion gets more s o, that is what you have today: the old spoiled
child telni que. All of us respect authority th at remains firm and never
deviates.
-
Here is August a, we have been free of such ai d mehy are smug in t he
feeling it won ' t happen here however , I contend things could erupt over
night should the proper agitator appear on t he scene.
I am sorry that y our chickens of appeasment have cane home to roost.
Cordi ally,
(Fonner member of City Council )
( " Chnirman Richmond County Conmission)
�Mr . C. L. Greene , Jr.
City Servi ces Coordinator
Nash - ashingt on City Service Center
Atlanta , Georgi a
June 13, 1967
TO:
Mr. Johnny H. Robinson
FROM:
C. L. Gr eene, J r .
Met with Mrs . Mary L. Aver y - JOO SQDset Avenue, N.
c ussed City Se rvices and also Urban Renewal.
,v .
at 10 a.m.
Dis-
21rs . Avery was one of whom
posed questions, etc. at Cos11opolitan Church meeting June 6 , 196 7.
After
our disc ussion she seems to be in a more recelJtive mood and has requested
my attendance at a meet ing to be hel d Wedne sday evening, June 28, 1967
with Urban Renewal map f or a more det ailed study .
She feels the Mayor i s
s incere and was labor ing lillder a handicap on June 6 , 196 7 due to t he whole
diverse opini ons .
She further feels sm l l er meetings wo uld be an advantage
where r easonableness, and calm mi ght prevail .
C. L. Greene, Jr.
�Mr. C. L. Greene , Jr.
City Services Coordinator
Nash-Washingt on City Service Center
Atlanta , Geor gi a
June 13, 196 7
TO :
Mr. Johnny H. Robirison
FROM :
C. L. Gr eene, J r.
Met with Mrs . Mary L. Avery - 300 Sunse t Avenue , N. W. at 10 a . m.
cussed City Service s and al s o Urban Renewal.
Dis -
Mr s . Avery was one of whom
pose d questi ons, e t c. at Cosmopoli tan Church meeting June 6, 196 7.
After
our di scus sion she seems to be in a more r eceptive mood and has reques t ed
my attendance at a meeting t o be he l d \,ednesday evening, June 28 , 1967
with Urban Renewal map for a more detailed study.
She feel s the Iayor is
sincere and was l aboring under a handic ap on June 6, 1967 due to the wide
di verse opini ons .
She further feels smc::. ller 111eetings would be an advantage
where reasonableness , and calm mi ght pre vail.
C. L. Greene, Jr .
�\
J
\
CITY OF .ATLANT.A
CITY HALL
ATLANTA, GA. 30303
Tel. 522-4463 Area Code 404
IVAN ALLEN, JR ., MAYOR
R. EARL LANDERS , Administrative Assistant
MRS. ANN M. MOSES, Executive Secretary
DAN E. SWEAT, JR. , Directo r of Governmental Lia ison
June 19, 1967
MEMORANDUM
TO
IAJr.
FROM
AM
As a result of the wire from Lester McCann, in which he -outlined
the circumstances when he was refused admittance to the Haalth
Club of the Downtown, YMCA, I talked with Mr. Joseph Bransby,
who furnishe d the following information.
He said that the Downtown Y was 85% int egrated, but that the Health
Club and swimming pool had not b e en. He said that they were honest
will all p eo pl e in telling them that it was against their policy to
admit negroes to these two ar ea s . The E xec utive Committee was
meeting Tues day afternoon (6/20) to discuss policy on the se two
s ens itive areas . H e advised that the General M e mber ship due s ar e
$50 . 00 a y e ar, which include s the s wimming pobl (although t hey have
never had any Negroes se e king to use it ) and the Health Club w as $1 0 0.
He further said that McCann was t h e first Negro to ever appea r at this
club with a member ship card from ano t her club (Hollywood , Calif. )
He said t hey explained t o Mr . McCain that all YMCA cards offer
reci pi cal faciliti e s based on local p r ac t ices , and that the h e alth club
w as not open t o N e groe s .
H e said the y receiv ed a call fr om S NICK on Tue sday, and had s et up
an a p pointment Wednesday afternoon to di scuss this w i th SNICK and Mr.
McCann, and they never showe d up.
H e also said he w ould a d vi s e this office of any decisions made Tuesday
by the Metro politan E xecutive Committee, Jefferson Davis , Chairman.
�April 20; 1967
Mr . Jon Braude
4136 Rose Hill Avenue
Cincinnati, Ohio
45229
Dear Mr . Braude:
As Mayor Allen is t.l'Ut of the City I would lik . to t · f r to
your lett r of May 19th.
Th r hav be n no r dal lncid nt
you :v fer red to in S pt mber .
Sine r ly your •
Mrs. Ann Mo
~e(:utiv · Seer t ry·
AM/br
ince th dl t\li'b.· nee
�DR . A L BERT M . DA VI S
MRS. E U N ICE COOPER
PRESIDENT
SEC RETARY
DR . C . MILES SMITH
TREASURER
ATL ANTA BRANCH
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE
859 - 1/2 HUNTER STREET, N . W .
S U I TE 105
ATLANTA,
GEO RGIA
30314
524-8 0 54
February 20, 1967
Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor, City of Atlanta
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear Mr. Allen:
I would like to express my appreciation to you for your
interest in the resolutions of our Housing Conference.
These resolutions represent many hours of consultation
with leading citizens of this community and a desired
goal to be accomplished.
We are referring copies to Mr. Cecil Alexander, Chairman, Housing Resources Committee and to Mr. Irving Kaler,
Chairman, Community Relations Commission.
Sincerely yours,
/ 1 ,I/ .
I /~
(
)
Albert M. Davis, MD
President
AMD:ts
cc:
Mr.
Mr.
Cecil Alexander
Irving Kaler
(
/
.!1
�D R . A L B E RT
MRS .
M . D A VIS
DR. C . MILES S MITH
EU NI C E COOPER
TREAS U RER
SE C RET ARY
PRESI D ENT
ATL ANTA BRANCH
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE
859-1 / 2
HUNTER STREET, N . W .
S UIT E 105
ATl.J\ N
f -,_
ATLANTA,
GEORGI A
30314
524-805 4
BRANCH N A 1~ C P
Pc'lschal Motor Hotel
Cit < de Housing Conferenc
turday, February 11, 1967
RESOLUTION
WHEREAS , it has been confirmed clearly by reports and cliscussions
of con~ultants, c'lnd participants of this conxerence that existing
housing in Metropolitan Atlanta, and future planning by private ancl
governmental agencies is basically segregated,
WH3REAS, Federal and other public funds are employe d in the develop- .
ment of a major portion of such housing, and
WHEREAS, The Atlanta Housing Authority and other authorities are in
control of most of the residential rental units,
WHEREl',S, There is no clearly state d public policy on housing bias by
Atlanta and other municipalities
BE IT RSSOLVED THAT, This Citywide Housing Conference of the NM C?
request and call for the following to be implemented :
1. That the newly created mayor's Housing Resources Committee request
the Atlantn Boa rd of Alderman to pass an "Open Housing Occupancy"
Or d innnce.
2 . NAACP be directed to re-convene this conference in an ex panded
manner within 30 days.
3 . Reque st thc1 t the Georgia Assembly pass a tax abatement l aw to
p rovide mor e housing in the sta te of Georgia .
4. Requ e st Mayor a nd Board of Alder man to r e duce t erm o f Atlanta
Hous ing Authorit y members f r om 10 yea rs to 5 yea r s a s in other cities
of the country , and t o incr e as e the r epr e sent a tion of Negr oes on the
authority.
�Page 2
Citywi d e Housing Conference
Atlanta Branch NAACP
February 11, 1967
5.
Request rezoining of eYcessive land for industrial use to residential.
6. Expansion of ·Community stabilization programs such as one by
AFSC, with d irect help from city and county governments.
7. Request monthly report from Mayor's office on all programs and
agencies dealing with housing.
8.
Request information on current status of r2o d el Ci ties' program.
9. Request that citi z ens of all ethnic groups be includeo. in the
planning and implementation of all housing and renewal programs.
10. Oppose the use of city, state and / or fe d eral fun d s for the
perpetuation of segregation in housing.
11. Request Atlanta Housing Authority eliminate all patterns of
segregation.
a . Central app lica tion office for all p e ople.
b. Elimination of segregation within each housing unit.
12. Request tha t a d c itiona l public housing construction sites
includ e areas other than the Southwest and Northwest sections .
�ATLANTA LIFE lNS U HANG E COMPANY
PO S T Of"Fl<::;E B O X 897
ATLANTA, GEORG IA :JO:JOl
JES SE
March l, 1967
lhLI.., JR.
ACTUARY
Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor, City of Atlanta
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgia

Dear Mayor Allen:
i
The Atlanta Summit Leadership Conference
urgently requests that your office launch a
full scale investigation of the deaths of an
entire family of the Perry Homes Housing Project
in Atlanta. Death occured Thursday, bodies were
discovered Saturday.
The victims were Mrs. Josie Marie Callier, a
daughter age 9 and two sons, ages 6 and 7. We have
reports of possible negligence on the part of the
Atlanta Housing Authority. We have reports that
there have been at least 4 other incidents of a
faulty gas system causing deaths of tenants. Including one case where one victim reported a faulty gas
condition in his apartment, before he became a fatal
victim.
Very truly yours,
ATLANTA SUMMIT LEADERSHIP ffiNF ERENCE
(~
,,~
Q__Q ~
J~
- Hill, Jr., Co-Ch a irman
Alderman Q. V. Williamson,Co - Chairman
Rev. Samuel W. Williams,.Cct- Chai r man
i
I
! .
/
...,
�Marc h 3, 1967
Mr. Jesse Hill
Atlanta Life Insuranc e Company
P . 0 . Box 897
Atlanta, Georgia 30301
Dear Jesse :
May I acknowledge :receipt of your letter on
behalf of the Atlanta Summit Leadership
Conference regarding the four deaths in Perry
Homes.
A thorough inve tigation is being made of thi
by the Atlanta Hou ing Authority, the insurance
company, the Coroner, and the Atlanta Police
Department. I will follow the inve tigation clo ely
to its conclusion, nd I am immediately a king for
the report from the Atlanta Police Dtpartment.
Sincerely,
Ivan All n, Jr.
IAJr:am
�EOWIN L. STERNE
M. B. SATTERFIELD
CHAIRMAN
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR ANO SECRETARY
GEORGE S. CRAFT
CARLTON GARRETT
VICE CHAIRMAN
DIRECTOR OF FINANCE
J. B. BLAYTON
GILBERT H. BOGGS
DIRECTOR O F HOUSING
JOHN 0. CHILES
GEORGE R. SANDER
FRANK G. ETHERIDGE
TECHNICAL DIRECTOR
824 HURT BUILDING
ATLANTA. GEORGIA
30303
JACKSON 3-6074
March 9, 1967
Office of the Mayor
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgia 30303
Attention:
Captain G. A. Royal
Dear Captain Royal:
In accordance with your request of yesterday, I
enclosing a copy of the report on the occurrence at
Perry Homes about which you inquired.
am
Sincerely,
H. Bog
Director of Housing
GHB :clm
Enclosure
�REPORI' OF ATLANTA HOUSING AUI'HORITY CONCERNING DEATH OF MRS. JESSIE MAE
COLLIER AND CHILDREN AT THE PERRY HOMES HOUSING PROJECT
The first information the Housing Authority received as to the above
occurrence came from a telephone conversation between a maintenance
mechanic at Perry Homes and the Manager on Sunday morning, February 26.
The Manager, Mr. Arthur F. Smith, had been called out of church to be
given the information that the tenants residing in Apartment 726, 2186
Clarrisa Drive, N. W., had been found deaq in the apartment. The police
had broken into the premises late Saturday night, but had not notified
any Housing Authority personnel at the time the occurrence was discovered. The Manager in turn telephoned the Executive Director and it
was arranged for the Assistant Technical Director, Mr. Ernest Bathke,
to proceed to Perry Homes for an on-the-spot inspection. Mr. Bathke
reached the site at about two o'clock Sunday afternoon in company with
the Manager, the assistant to the Maintenance Superintendent and a
maintenance mechanic, who entered the apartment.
The gas heater located in the living room 'is vented through a plaster
partition and connected to a transite vent located underneath the stairway on a diagonal and connected at the upper end to a vent from the gas
water heater, thence to a vertical vent through the roof. The transite
vent had become disconnected from the pipe leading through the wall
from the heater. The heater may have been exhausting fumes into the
apartment at this point. The space heater appeared to be clean and in
good condition and this was later confirmed by a detailed examination.
The plaster immediately surrounding the opening in the partition had a
broken edge rather than a smooth appearance. All other features of
the gas system were in good condition. The only evidence of carbon
deposit in the room was on a paper bag located on a shelf nearby the
vent pipe. There was no evidence of carbon on the windows or walls
within the apartment.
The records of the project Maintenance Department were examined and it
was determined that in line with instructions from the Central Office
to all projects requiring an annual inspection of all heating equipment
prior to the heating season, this apartment was inspected on October 20,
1966, and the gas space heater readied for operation. This inspection
was conduct ed by a maintenance group of three persons. Everything was
in order except that one glass in the f r ont of the space heater was
missing and was replaced. This heating inspection routine also includes cleaning and adjusting the space heater and vacuuming the vent
system where necessary. The maintenance log also shows no requests
made for service in this apartment subsequent to the October 20 inspection. Since this occurrence, space heaters in all the other
apartments in the project have been inspected again and are in good
condition.
March 8, 1967
�ALL-CITIZENS
REGISTRATION
334
ATLANTA,
AUBURN
GEORGIA
COMMITTEE
AVENUE,
NORTHEAST
30303 - TELEPHONE

522-1420
March 8, 1967
Honorable Lewis R. Slaton
Solicitor Superior Court
Fulton County
136 Pryor S. W.
Atlanta, Georgia
Deat Mr. Slaton:
Pursuant to telephone conversations with your office
and Mr. Paul Ginsberg the representative of your office
assigned to consult with us, and pursuant to instructions
of your office, we hereby formally request an Inquiry by
the Grand Jury into the deaths of tenants of the Perry
Homes Housing Project due to carbon monoxide poisoning.
Following the suggestions of your office, We have checked
Police Department and . Coroner reports. We have asked
Mayor Ivan Allen to also request reports. After reviewing the reports in the Mayor's office and the Coroner's
office, as compared to information brought to our attention
by concerned citizens of the Perry Homes Community we
suggest the following:
1. Thatappropriate officials of the Atlanta Housing
Authority be questioned regarding possible negligence in
the maintenance of heating system of Perry Homes Apartments.
2. Call in the entire employee staff of Perry Homes
for questioning, including employees now terminated but were
employed on or after January 1, 1965. We have been informed
that Mr. Claude Bates complained on more than one occasion
about sickening fumes to the Perry Homes Management Office,
without corrective action. Mr. and Mrs. Claude Bates were ·
fatal victims of carbon monoxide poisoning on February 3, 1965.
3. Suggest that Mr. Charles Kemp, brother of Mrs. Josie
Callier, victim, whose body was discovered Saturday, February
25 (died Thursday, February 23rd), along with three children
all dead, cause given as carbon monoxide poisoning. Mr. Kemp
lives in Perry Homes and he has information that allegedly
suggests questionable motives and conduct of ex-husband of
victim regarding deaths.
4. Suggest ex-husband Eddie Callier be questioned. He
reportedly previously visited family every Thursday or . Friday.
A
VOTIELIESS
PEOPLE
I S
A ·
HEIL.PLESS
PEOPLE
�Page 2
Honorable Lewis R. Slaton
3-8-67
He is suppose to have visited ex-wife on her job Thursday
where they had an argument. Same Eddie Callier has retained
Attorney Joe Salem for purpose of filing suit against the
Atlanta Housing Authority.
Our interest here is that somehow too many people appear
to consider Negro homicides very lightly. The death of this
family is an Atlanta tragedy and every effort should be made
to prevent future occurrence. If it was caused by negligence, the case should bring shame to all of us and is "City·
Scandal." If there is "foul play" the guilty should be
brought to justice.
We have made an extensive personal investigation and would
be happy t~ appear before the grand jury, especially to make
suggested reforms for preventive safety measures.
Very truly yours,
ATLANTA SUMMIT LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE
~ Hill, J .
Co-Chairman
Ald. Q. V. Williamson
Co-Chairman
Rev. Samuel W. Williams
Co-Chairman
cc:
Assistant Solicitor Paul Ginsberg
Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr .
J.B. Blaytonp Sr .
�March ZO , 1967
Dr. A . M . Davis
President
Atlanta Bran ch
NAACP
859 - 1 / 2 Hunter Street, N . W.
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear Dr. Davis :
I am pleased to acknowledge receipt of your
letter of March 17th. and I will be glad to
give con ideration to the recommendations
made therein.
Sincerely,
Ivan Allen. Jr.
IAJr:am
�DR . ALBE RT M . D A VIS
MRS. E U N IC E COOPER
PR ES IDENT
SEC RET ARY
OR . C. MI LES S MITH .
TREA S U RER
A TLANT A BRA NCH
NATIONAL A SSOCIATION F O R TH E ADVANCEM E NT O F COLORED PEOPLE
85 9 - 1/ 2
H UNTER STREET, N . W .
S UITE 105
ATL ANTA,
GEOR GI A
30314
52 4 -805 4
March 17, 1967
The Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor, City of Atlanta
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear Mayor Allen:
I would like to take this opportunity to
express our appreciation for · your positive reaction to the
resolutions of the NAACP Housing Conference. We are in
the process of implementing these resolutions as it relates
to the various departments of our city government.
We have noted since you have been mayor that
your appointments from the negro community to committees
and commissions have been catagorized by a certain pasture
o~ individuals. The Executive Committee of the NAACP directed me to express their serious concern over this progressively
growing pattern. We acknowledge that this is your privilege,
but we would also indicate for your information that many
appointments of personalities that do not relate or, in mapy
instances, are unacceptable to the populace. The membership
of the Housing Resources Cammi ttee is an excellent_ example
of the problem that creates our concern . By far, the majority
of these men, though intellectuals, are either not active in
the community or know little about the total problem of housing .
The NAACP requests that you seriously consider
our valid expression in th re s situation and in the future
select individuals who honestly represent the people of our
progressive city.
I personally would like to express the appreciation of our organization to you for your unselfish interest
and actions on the problems relative to this community.
Sincerely y urs ,
J 1n.J~/ Jill)
A. M. Davis, MD
President
AMD : ts
�- - - - - -- - - - - - - -- - - - - - -- - -- - - - - - -
--
·
January 10, 1967
Honorable Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr.
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear Sir:
We request that you use your influence as mayor of this
progressive city to assist in implementing the enclosed
resolution.
5/J0/;o~ MXJ
A. M. Davis, MD
Rresident Atlanta Bfanch NAACP
�~
-
- - --
- - ---
In the proposed allocation of funds resulting from the eighteen
million dollar bond issue submitted to the tax paying citizens by the
....-.....
Board of Education in the early spring of 1966 an amount sufficient to
build a Junior High School in Vine City formed a part of a contractual
agreement.
It was the impression that if the bond issue was successfully
passed a Junior High School would be built in Vine City.
In what appears-
to represent a breech of contract, the Board of Education has decided
to build said Junior High School on a tract of land bounded on the east
by Griffin, on the west by Chestnut, on the north by Thurmond, and on
the south by Spencer streets, which area is approximately a mile from
Vine City, and in a community where there are less than twenty-five
school age children.
The citizens living in this area include many of whom are retired
and unemployable, others are approaching the status of unemployability,
and still others a r e beyond the long term a ge limi t.
These citi zens
have i nvested t he i r life savings i n wha t they ha d hoperl to be t h e i r
permenant homes .
The a moun t of money of fe r e d them b y t he Board of Ed-
ucat ion for t he i r h omes wi ll not enable t h em t o relocate and pu rchase
homes subst antially similar t o those they now occupy.
In t he light of t he s i t ua t ion described ab ove , the citizens in the
-
'
area under consider ation have organized the mselves into a Home Owners
Resi stance Campaign.
They are calling upon a nd would we l c ome t he s uppor t
of organizations, and concerned individual c i ti zens t o assist them i n
thi s rtruggle to re t a in p ossession and occupancy of their h omes.
Many organizations and publ i c spirited citizens have joined them
in this struggle by adopting umnnimously resolutions in support of their
effort, including the Atlanta Chapter of Frontiers International, The
�Greater Atlanta Baptist Alliance, The A. M. E. Ministers Union, The
Ministerial Fellowship of the C. M. E. Church , The West Side Voters
League, The Membership of the First Congregational Church, and the Butler
Street Baptist Church.
Dr. William H. Borders of the Wheat Street Baptist Church is the
Coordinator of the resistance campaign and Resident Bishop P. Randolph
Shy is Associate Coordinator.
In consideration of the alarming circumstances that these home
owners find themselves in , it is being proposed that on this Anniversary
occasion the members and supporters of the Atlanta Chapter of the NAACP
adopt a resolution pledging their individual and several support to the
Home Owners referred to above, and that the Board of Education be requested to revise its plan of uprooting these families and build a Junior
High School in a community where the children are and i n keeping with
its contractual agreement.
Be it res olved tha t the citiz e ns of the Me tr op ol ita n At l anta area
here assemb l ed regi s t er their concer n by approving t he senti ments herein expres sed .
Be it fur t her resolv e d t hat a c op y of t he sentiments agreed upon
be sent to the Ma yor of the City of Atlanta , Chairman of the Board of
Aldermen, President of Atlanta Board of Education, Superintendent of
Public Schools, The Atlanta Inquirer, The Atlanta Constitution, and
a copy placed in our minutes for the record.
Yours sincerely,
., i .
._./
A. M. Davis, MD
President Atlanta Bfanch NAACP
�4
�Racial P owder Keg: Negro-White
Hostility Is M ounting in Cleveland
I
Co,ttim,e<i From Pnnt1 0110
some ;,iuthorl1J c s expect Communist opcrn.l!vl!s
n•11-son: T he ··1ong hts tory of n e1;ottattons with, to be Rel ive here thi1< year: the ,;ra nd j ury
""d brokPn p t om\-"e" trom, the loc1'1 i:overn. lnw•,.11;:-at!ni; \"-"l -"Ummrr'-'! Houi;h · r ioL~ found
mt'n t.·· ;\l11yor Loche r 11.ccu :1c/ll Mr·. WcRvf'r of (',·1<1.-11<·'-" of Comn111ni-"l I"torty p.:,.rtlclpn\lo n.
u n f.1irnc.$S.
Ci h • H :,JI n ricl t h!' CJc,·cl nnd busi ness communit\• arl! nt odds.
Th~ Inner Cit~· Action comn,Hte e led by
Chairm an Ralph 'acs1<e ot Cleveland' E lectric
j
muminatin~ co., wu c reated a fter the 1966
Ho11:;: h riots . to hl'lp the city cope wHh Its
racial p robl ems . But !lflc r lli x months It
s evered rela Uons with th e m ayor b eCILUl!IC
··the c ity adminis tration w jll not a cc e p t mea n ·
'""" · ""'""" " ' " ' '~'""'"""·" Mc.
Loc her o ccu scs the buslncSl!l m e n of "plllylni;:
politics with the w e ll•belng or the pe ople of
Cle~·e la.nd. ••
City Hnll nnd the res ponsi ble Negro leader•
8 hlp 1fre a.t odds.
' "ii"requcntly when lt'a most nee ded , the
,
.
'.
J..-,r ,,J org-'1ni,rntion l's prnceod ing on both
sides of the color lh•c. The United B l ack
Brot11<• rhoo<.1 fUBB), formed Ins t fnll and r ega r dcd by rnll c(l Chirf W:1i;:ne r Ml "' mllltan tly
r , cl11 l:" _l,s nctlvcly Jnvolvcd ln t he "tt\aloS"Uc!I
In blnck 1h"l present Ahmed n nd others to
th e ~ <'gro corr: ~rnnlty. Thi! suppose d a.Im o f
the
d _lalog ucs
13 t o 11tccr m!Utanls a way
from V!Olcnce and toward p eacefu l protest.
But pollc e ""-Y the e rrcct Is to unite Ncs-rocs
uoacc <he UBB baonec.
Lewi.'! nobln:son. Identified by IL. i;:rand jury
a s a Leader In last s ummer·s riots bu t never
Indicted, l\nd no w a par ticipant ln the "dla.·
logucs." imys of t h em: " We've had factional·
Ism. No\V IVe want lo pull all thes e things to.
i;-ether." He v iews rioting- ns ,.produetlve and
~ e:,grr:e~~11~ ::s'11rcl143.215.248.55.13~\~h;::,';lt~\ : ~ ~I~ ~:~~k:n.1~111·nln1, t hat dras lle measures mus t
m11n . rcplh.•11 with e !]UII I lntcnl!lily: .. Locher'i,
a. d ecent. ho n ..,.t, "i ncerc i;entl ema.n. but you
e:i. n" l b e " _c:cnll<'mnn nnd cope with th e prob·
l('ms o r thl" town. You"\•e got t o b e a. hnrd·
li!Hl'd, prnctlcn l i.uy who"ll t nko rl11k8.' '
E s t n.hlls he d Nc,:-ro Jcnd er-'<hlp nnd lh e Ne•
gro community are A.I odd".
A l ri\lnlni; proi;rRm e r,onsorcd by the Nn•
lion" \ A/!soclntl,,n for the Advancement <>I
Colored f'copl e nnd the Urban Lc1t.c:ne hns
Oopp<'d bndly In It s ntm or get tlni; Negroes
Cf:w?'°J:;~


~~o J;143.215.248.55n L !~:~csd it:143.215.248.55r.E ~:143.215.248.55\


Jn t he position o f p r epnrlng peopl e l o b e put
on 11ht lve-,." With thlll failure, t he NAACP
and Ur b11n LM,rue tlropped nnothe r notch In
the e s teem of C levefa.nd".!! N e,;roe11. A ccording
to one dvll right.-, i;pccla lls l, "The NAACP
couldn "t mobilize & picket li ne of 1 0 pe ople
no w ...
at
!::
11.Negro
H,u·ll'll .Jnnr11 a lso believes Negroes s hould
crowd Into n /!ln,:-Le i;r?UP Cor ··p,oUUea.1 pur•
l)OIIC"· He pln11" to 11tnke out on his own thi s
month to or,::-:inl;:e such n group.
Whlt P. Or:.::01117. ln g
An nr·_i::ru1i 7,i11;; drive nmong whites 13 b eing
pln.nnf'd h_y Rnbf'>"l Annnblc. c hnirman of the
Cl e vrlnnd ,hn.1<cd Natlonl\l Chril!U:,n Conservn.•
live Snd... t y nml nl~<> he nd or the North Amerl·
crrn A IU,~ncc of White People. Mr. Annable.
who bPl u.•i·r.q thnt N 1cgrocs al"e '"eullurnlly and


~et{:~c~;\;? \~~:~~l~-.;,,~:~~,-~:~:1ch..o l;~:f1d143.215.248.55


1e
hltc C1 t1;:,cn3 Co u ncil of O hto. s ubi1crlbl'l! tn m:iny o f Ur. Annab1e·11 beliefs and
11.reo J>lnn ., rnlll r a.
The 11.pecla l targets o r a ll these racln\ organl7.el"I;. whe t her they admit it or 11ot, nre the
young11!cn, of lhls "' city of n;tllon,..•• mos t ot
whom live In neig hborhoods that sre s harply
O{
community a nd the police arc 143.215.248.55l~~g;_11~i,.:;o~~-/ ~:l~~;~l!ry At~a~·=~-
a~;:::::
by ~ar;~~njoj:cr~ :., ~e~::;in~ci;ur~d ~~tl~~:~ _!:,a•:,,_iargc ly Pol111h, Hough large ly j'l"egro, and
11ummer·11 rloUi , but n e ver Indic ted. and who
now work8 a.11 & building mainte nance m a n
In Houg h e ssesses the curr e nt mood of the
,!;h<'lto 11.11 • worse th:<n ,11. y ear ago. T he rcason ? "Pollce brutnl!ty," he says. Pol\cf! Chief
As the pt·1cssures of s ocial ehani;:e h a ve
n ,ounled. whn t o nce w e r e you t h clubs h ave
b ecome ga.n i;-3 a nd n ow, say social worke rs
and police alike. the y are turning more vlcloul!ly r acist. "We know t hat whit e a nd N @gro
\~:ei;n~J;:.e:~~e:/ :~-ze c~~;:tn:;;!~~=
those e :111t o f t he CuyohogR.." Mo11t w h ites live
on the wcl!t 8ld" of th& Cuy11hoi;11. River ,
w hic h runs t hrough the middle of Clf!Veland;
mos t Ne1,roe11 live on t he east s ide.
,\lo,·eme nt In the Schools
Still , Mr. W9-gne r h as C8labltshcd a ne w
community r e l ations uni l in thl! d epartme nt


ind h as opened etg ht n e w police athletic ce n,


ters for alum youths. Als o, the r e h a a bee n
s o me movement In edu cation. A new school
board h:111 Initia ted the con11trucUon ot 11ome
143.215.248.55-·~.f;~'~!e"~;~n11·~\:~'.'e"~:~i··~:,:~;:.~tr. Kan.
Jn Cnlllnwon<t. n w h it e nclgh borhoorl n ext to
lhe No:.gro Glf'nvllle sectio n, a. young fe llolV
In hl,i twenlle.~ s ays : "When the dv11 rights
groups snld llll'y w e r e going to march thts
a11mn1cr In our ne li;:-hborhood, a bunch of lhe
S'UY3 In nur club dec ided to form vlg lla.nte
g1·oupl!. " The ""rlub"" h e rekr11 lo is 11.. n eighbor·
hood socio.! club . .Mri,. Hanserd or the We lfare
Federatio n .say.,, ··we ke<'p henrlni;: there·s a
buildup o f guns in the Collinwood 11.i-ea."
"Clmln C.,u,i." T :,r _i:-rt rra,;llN,
143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)a~~
_
~
16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)~II
..e~ •
t !~do;~,~~fon°!1 ~ l~~:r:~:,r~~a
11.Uen of a 1!1.lpplernentary e4
Uon
center to d raw white and N egro pupil" for
speclallzed Ins truction.
"The o n ly bright spot I ca n think of la
our 11e hools , """ YS Alan Ka.ndel of !hf! Jewis h
Commun.Jty F ede r a tion.
th
1
out':::1~; / t1 s143.215.248.55:r
r::~~/11111~~ w;~:in~~:,;:143.215.248.55


~l\~:143.215.248.55: ; 143.215.248.55:\~~:t,t?lly~ll?,~~"b=~:i;~


/~:~~
~v:g·~:143.215.248.55
Ch;;~
~.fn~8f.,~t,!143.215.248.55:,
" Th@y'.-e
h~v"..'":;;11,~fd t:iot;143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)
11.-11.ctld.n.i,, with the gun.e In the b
m e nl of one mcmbe.-".'I home. 11hooting at pa.·
pe r taq:;cla thl'Y c11 ll 'n!g-gen1: " a ,;ocla l work·
er ,mys. " The p urpose for t he i;:uns. they say.
1.~ to d efend thrm,.elves AJ:;1'-ln sl the Nl'g:roe8
when lhe r!r,(g r.omr. 11i::nln t hl" i,ummer."
M;;e 11ir°lli~~,,~1


'.';t_;lg~!ct

~~j1C~n




0~hetc16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)~~
ihi;·~.•11.;;:e~A143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST) e~~!t143.215.248.55\•d~ne~~ ; ;~~ ~~!~~r;


~:~n\nt;.":,143.215.248.55 1\16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)~~tlt~~i:~n)~


or llrgo "\\'nllnco for Prc :sident." Thl,i 18 the
produd:o t rad e 11 ~~oc:illtlans hA.\•e 1tnnoun ccd work of the Alley Rat11 gani; wl10_,e m cmben,
1
~
143.215.248.55l~\:~~'.:·~: ~1;;;i• ;;;~
1 F:u~~
r~:n~r~Jc:~h7t !143.215.248.55e
"';;u;l;.~~c:.io~t~I~~
la ndlords who h,1\'e Jacked op prices. Other
publ ic :md prin,tc rchnbllllntlon projects
amount to " drop in tho bucket.
MRvor Loch.-r. to,· his p nrt, h lLs 11ome p l/Uls
h e (',,:'pl'ct .~ to r eveal 11.11 election time 11p•
pro:1.ches. He n lrl'lldy h:,s r epaved some slu m
s treets. Ins talled n ew " trc e t l li;h ts. nnd h1tule d
off th<' :o;trl'ets humlrl'ds o f junked cars. Soon
h e hopes to s t n rt n citywi d e rnt control pro·
gr.im. coll<'Ct J:h c tto tras h weekly l ns tcnd of
monthly. ll't som e conlrl\Cl8 for piny nrc ns
nnd ..,·.-~t · poc:kr:t"' parks , ILnd augme nt the
clt y ·11 supp ly o f hou11\ng Inspectors , policemen
and mcdlca.l personnel.


,i<>nl'y l'rohlf' m "


But t11l this cos t, mone y, nnd the mayor 1s
h:,.vl n g h is troubl es ·o n t hat score. Vote rs de·
r eat cd n. city tncomo t ax ln 106:1. Lai;t y ear the
cll y coun cil cnncled IL. lax to be e ffective this
pas t Jnn. 1. b ut d isgruntled citizens have
~~tr;:~!1~!~~
buri;h. 'lho Oullnw:o. "- Clevela11d m otor cyc le
club. Is 1·epn1·t~d Loylng pl:1ns t<> lllta.ck the
C h r.c kl'rcd Chc ru h.s, fl Negro motor cycle c lub.
The United Bln c k Brotherhood. who.<:e
,;t~on.i;-_h<Jld.~ h ;n-e b ee n fo und by . poltcc t o con·
t a m fire bot~bs. hn.~ begun w ithin the past
few weeks to m .<:trnct some Nci::ro youth gn.ngl!
lo ··i;uc nllla warf:,rc. ·' P o lice Cl,Jet \Vagncr
s ays the U BB has mad e conta c t wit h the
Pondcro:;~s . a :OO•mr:mb.- r i;roup preoccupied
until rt.ccnl ly Wllh vnnd:tllsm but now turn.
Ing lncrcn.<:lni;:ly n.nll·Whlte.
A ,;!m1l11 r turn. 11;1.ya t he r,olic l! c hi e r, h iu
bee n <11'\cc:tcd nmoni;- othe r N ci;-ro g l'l ngs .
l!Uc h 11., lhe D c lamores. the D c vll'a Dlscip!es
nod the Marquis. '"They·r e g e ltlni;: IL.way from ,
(;"ani; activity a n d are forming mllllant racial
organlza.llons ," .M r. W agne r d eclares.
_ _ __
~a,.rc~:1dt h1: 1;;:y t~..3~~1~~:.r -~~u~~e ~:/~!t·d~~
I.nterco I n c. Hold~rs
Vote Stock Increases
1;1C::~.
b:
~:~~:dt~· 11~ ".se:1:,:e ~~::;k.:·,t :c~a
wui
Anyway, the mnyor ls w lllln1, to m ove only
so fa r . To hi m some s pecifi c r ccommenda.·
tlOnl! roi- @asini; ra c t:11 t ens ion In C l ev e l11nd
'.':~~;;;~:e~:,.
1: ~dc~:1~..~\~~t;f,!;~;r;::;~~o~o
~~=
~~ft.. :.ff!~'~\~~ r ~~'\ 01 143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)1yc ~~ :i~t:\~lthc~::
l11. r -11.-yen r mr:n t o 11n.,n11rl the u rban r e new/I. I
t tt ngle . lns ls t ,:,d on tho r emovl\l Of l h l! c i ty'"
urbnn r e ne wal chi c!. The mn yor _r efu11ed.
!O~ ~r .ne':c:cel~. •;.h~00,~\~1{e 0 ~1~:" ~t;:;:ct:~
to ,rnnounce " oon a c r,.,,_h proi;rn.m to provide
j obs for une mployed N egroe!I In 19 cillc!I, nnd
th e m"yor b cJle v cs Cl e vcl.ind wlll b e one. But
Mr. H a ndel of th e Jewl11h Community F e d e r ·
A.tlou. who h11s bee n In on 1mm e o f the lo cn.l
•:i
Boost in Common and Preferr ed ,
C rent.ion of a N ew Preferred
T o E nable F u rther Diversifying
,i11 " ·1 vu.1, 15-r>1,:-.:-r J OOJ!t<Ai.. 8lt>/f R:.-po.-,~.ST. LOUIS _ J nte rco Inc. l!lho r e holders
cle11red the WAY for further dtversltlca.Uon of
the compa ny by vo un,.- to lncrea11e a.uthorh:ed
commo n b y fou r million llhllr .,s. n n d the exist•
tni; pz·e(crr e d by 327.060 e ha r es In nd ditl on
to crell.tlng 11. n e w preferred issue of one m il·
llon llhnrrA.
r~!e~~!r:,~, sn!:s. ~-~t/ :.!-\~1143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST) C~bo~:l: l11.cll~;
However. 11s!d"' fro m a pending RCquls l·
2.000 p eople b y J une , n.nd t h1Lt's only three lion of S;, m S ha1nberg CO .• 1'f e mphls. T@nn. ,
9
mor.!i~ : ;h~~yl~o m onth11 RWa y l!J the dooms• ~i:,::;,~o:11: :..,: ,,l~;!o~r:s':f:tr~';.'e143.215.248.55r!~~r;~;e : ~:
d"Y" pinpointed by Ah med. H e Is quite correct ts n·t 11crlous ly 81Udy!ng a ny p o11sl ble n.cquhl ·
In prcdlctlni;: 11 0 eclipse o f the s un on May 9. Uons, Norfleet H . Rand. vice chair m a n ot t he
but 11 uthor1Ue11 say the ecli pse wLII be pn.rtllll boa rd Rnd lreMmre r . :!!aid afte r the. m eeting.
a nd won ·t tum th e Clevels.nd sky dark. And
S ince lll64 , J nte rco has p urs ued An a c tive
Ah med's Jo recast or r evolt msy be wildly cllver11H!ca t1on p rogrll.m. It opera tes 210 junior
exai;~erl'l led. But other e vents echeduled for cle pal"lme nl s tp r l's, eight work a n d p[;,.y clot h·
C1 evr,l1tnd soon are like l y t o arouse racial lni;: faetorles 11.nd !It:,,; r e ta il hardware s tore"
t e mper-!'.
plu11 !111 11hoe m11nufa c turlng a nd retailing
t::nt<'r ;u~·r11n I, uthcr hl ni:
ope ra.Uo ns . '"We're Interes te d prima rily ln lhe
The R e v. MRrUn Luther 1,;:1ng J r . will vis it l'!Ofl J:"OOdl!. 11l\hou gh w e'd consid er a.ny field
Cl eve lnnd soon to he lp prer,are for slm ultA.· that looked prom is ing," Mr. Rand s;, ld.
Sa[(>s i,,nd e;, r n lni;:s In D ece,nbe r nnd .Jn.nn eous d(> m onstra tlon!I this 11•1m mer h ere a nd In
o lhcr c ities. The mllllanl Congre811 of Racia l uary, th<' flrl'l l t wo m onthl! or t he company·s
E!]un llty (CORE ) ha !I narrowed Ill! !Jl!llrc h for fi~ca l ye11 r. "'howe d an lm prov@m e nt over the
a summer "de monRtrat!on city•· to ClevelRnd. 1<lmlta r p eriod a year earlier. Th e execul\ve
Onkland . C11li!. , llnd N ,:wa.rk. N .J. A spok e!!• 11n.ld. And lhrl'e will b e "Rn imp•'Oveml!nt"
man h,:,rP imy~ It I~ '"quite pn~slble" t h 11,.t Cle ve• for the qua r lrr c nd<'d J",-b. 28 from l h• f i rst
111.nd wlll be the fina l c ho ice.
pc 1·lod or fl!CAI 1966. when lntl'rco earned
•·u cORVi m"kcs Clevelnnrl 1111 t arget city, .. $3,861.227. or S t.fr.) " ~hnre. on sales of .$ 106.·
1111.y11 J . B. S lonrr, vice c ha irman of the w hile· 639.!IH . cxcludlni:: r esult11 of I d aho Department
suprcm,..dst Na.tlon11l Slal e8 Rig h ts Party. Store Co.• 11cq11l,·ed ln (i'ebrua.ry 11166.
"we·11 com e to Clevel a nd ta s tagf! pe aceful
Mr. R"n<I 11 l~o predic ted hig her sa lc8 and
countcr•demom1tr11t1ona." La11l s ummer, after ea r n h1_s::-11 for th~ ye ar endin g Nov. 30, even
a SlAtcs Right!! P:i.rty rally In B llltlmor e. without " contribution from Sam Sha!nberg
lhe 1066 CORE: demons tration cit y, whites n.nd Co . On "· pro· form11. b11.11is for las t year. for
N",:trocs tangled In the streets.
Ins tance. Sh11lnbPrg would hnve contributed 18
'l"he Ku Klux Klan Is prepari ng t or a.n or• eenl8 a s h 11re, aftrr prtten-ed dividends. to In·
gan!zallonal meeting In this c ity In a. tew t e r co·11 l"CJ)Ol"tl!d earnings o f SH.il98,000. or $3.91
weeks. T he r e aro r eports that the Ame rican a share. on sale$ of $469.100,000. Ruulb ot
Nazi Pa.rly Intend! activity here t h is spring. lda ho Dnporlmf'nt Store Co. were Included
At t.'he other end of the "POIIUcal aoectrum . o nl:v fo1• nlno month,..
l
�March 13,. 196,7
Mr. Jack Sneed
Box 128426
Furman University
Greenville, South Carolina
29613
Dear Mr. Sneed:
This will acknowledge receipt of your letter of March
12th asking sever questions regarding the peech you
are to make about the racial climate in the E t Lake
community.
I am sorry that I do not have ,t he material re ea.rched
and, therefor . , cannot give you a detailed · swer. I
have :received no repprts of blockbusting in that are ,
and inee an urban renewal project is not even close,
it would have no b ring either.
With be t wishes , I a.m ·
Sincer ly yours,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
M yo~
IAJr/b-r
�r
Farch 12 , 1967
Dear Mayor Al_en ,
I have be n weanin_ ~o w~it e or qu it e
an'l ths.nk you for allowing e an intervi<?'>
concerning the Governor ' s r ~ce .
I manage
" A" on the :rr-irer and j n the covrse .
Not onl
enjo~abl e ~ but very rr ofita llile.
0
sorre ~i me
l ast No •ember
to mace an
y was iry tr ip
I am t a ktnp a c our se th i s se~ester 1 n ~u b li c speakng ·~ hich we are r e quired to mak
evera l
p e e c hes .
This Fri day we are to make spe e c h e s on a s pe c if ic ra c i a l
problem. S i n ce I li "e in the Se.st Lake community , I
have chosen the community tran ition vhi c h we a re exper iencing o Our professor req uires r esearch and " s ecific
supporting rlata " in p esenting our s pee ch e .
I r ea lize
your time i
e preme l y li mited , but I ~ould greatly appre ciate i t if you could a wer a~ w question for me .
What do you feel has been the c au se oft. e situation?
ave you seen a~y s j gns of organized "bloclcbus t ing "? Do
you feel that Atl9nto's tremendous use of the Urban Renewal
nr og r a m (wh ich I pl a n to make a sr ~ech ab ou t l ater in the
semester ) has affe c ted the trend?
of t e n fee l that the
Negroes are being blamed ( th us created more r r e ju~i c e )
for ~hings which a r e not th eir own fault .
Any help that you co L-1 . give in this area 'lould be
greetly appr e ci ated . Thanks again for your help on my
r E- p ort .
Since~
Q~
Sn eed
Box~ 2 ~L~2 6
Furman Unive ? ity
Gre envill e ; S oC . 2961J
P . · • Congr~t ula tions on y our nice wr ite-up in the current
.ewsw eek .
They 0 1 vious ly got the Nation ' s t o p mayors·:
�March 3, 1967
Mr . Jesse Hill
Atla.n ta Life Insurance Company
P . O . Box 897
Atlanta. Georgia 30301
Dear Jes e :
May I acknowledge receipt of your letter on
behalf of the Atl nta Summit Leadership
Conference regarding the four deaths in Perry
Homes.
A thorough investigation i being made ot this
by the Atlanta Hou ing Authority, the insurance
company, the Coroner, and the Atlanta Police
Department. I will follow the investigation closely
to its conclu ion, nd I am immediately a king for
the report frotn the Atlanta Polle Dtpartment.
Sincerely,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
IAJr: m
�ATLANTA LIFE INS UR.ANGE COMPANY
POST OFFICE BOX 897
A TLANTA , GEORGIA 30301
March 1, 1967
J E SS E HILL, J R .
ACTU A RY
Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor, City of Atlanta
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgia
Dear Mayor Allen:
The Atlanta Summit Leadership Conference
urgently requests that your office launch a
full scale investigation of the deaths of an
entire family of the Perry Homes Housing Project
in Atlanta. Death occured Thursday, bodies were
discovered Saturday.
The victims were Mrs. Josie Marie Callier, a
daughter age 9 and two sons, ages 6 and 7. We have
r eports of possible negligence on the part of the
Atl anta Housing Authority. We have reports that
there have been at least 4 other incidents of a
faulty gas system causing deaths of tenants. Includ ing one case where one victim reported a faulty gas
condition in his apartment, before he became a fatal
victim.
Very truly yours,
ATLANTA SUMMIT LEADERSHIP CXlNFERENCE
~
Jes
Hill, Jr., Co-Chairman
Alderman Q. V. Williamson,Co-Chairma n
Rev. Samuel W. Williams,Co - Chairman
<....)
-1+ )
C'<._...,1
�ADDR ESS R EPL Y TO
AT L A NT A . GA .
N EW Y O R K . N . Y .
Mr. Jero
s . Hardy
February 13, 1967
I believe the story of this hotel would make an
pictorial essay for LIFE, and if you are intere ted
your staff ill receive excellent cooperation from
the Mayor•s office on down . I hope the idea appeals
to you.
Kindest regards.
Sincerely,
{Signed) J.
paul AUstin
JPA/pc
Enclo ure
J
ec The Hon. Iv n Allen, Jr.
P. •
nrout to Augu t , top over in
Atlanta long enough to ee the place. I a
ur . it will b
orth you1.· ti
If you are
J.P.A.
3 0301
�D NEWSPAPER
D RADIO
p·oR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
0TV
PASCHALS
I
CHECK THE CITY I S SKYLINE ATLANTA! A LUXURIOUS, ULTRA -MODERN, MILLION DOLLAR MOTOR
HOTEL HAS RISEN TO TAKE ITS PLACE AMONG THE FINEST MOST BEAUTIFUL STRUCTURES IN THE
CITY. NOW STANDING MAJESTICALLY BESIDE PASCHALS RESTAURANT AND PASCHALS' LA CAROUSEL
NIGHT CLUB, IS THE ALL NEW PASCHALS' MOTOR HOTEL A 120 ROOM SEVEN STORY BUILDING THAT
REPRE SENTS AN INVESTMENT OF MORE THAN TWO MILLION DOLLARS AND !HE RE.I\LIZATION OF A
DREAM TI!AT BEGAN MORE THAN A QUARTER OF A CENTURY AGO.
THE PASCHAL BRCITHERS DREAME D OF ONE DAY BUILDING A 'HOME "AWAY FROM HOME 1 , AN ALL


S: "CQ:li 2ASSING FACILITY WHERE ONE COULD FIND FOOD, DRINK, MERRIMENT, ENTERTAINMENT, AND


· - ..?L CE TO REST UP FOR MORE ALL WITHIN THE CO!--!T iNES OF ONE COMPLEX. JAMES AND ROBERT
·:1-.:, SARlrt: D EARLY IN LIFE THAT HARD WORK WAS TtlE ONLY WAY TO M.<\KE REALITIES OUT OF





...::. --~3, n:,:.: , SO THEY :~, t GA.'< 1·ivRKING .t.'.:I l:iOURS A DAY SEVEN DAYS A WEEK .








Tl{ZY BEGAN WITH A SMAJL STORE AND A SPECIALTY . THEY TURNED THE SM.<\LL STORE INTO A
_..,.,. ~TAJRANT AND TiiE SPECIALTY , ROBERT'S VERY SPECIAL RECIPE FOR FRIED CHICKEN, INTO A
··GO:;:. D MINE". FROM FIVE TABLES AND FORTY CHAIRS THE RESTAURANT EXPANDED TO TEN TABLES
Ai'I~ EIGHTY CHAIRS. WHEN BUSINESS CONTINUED TO IMPROVE THE PASCHALS BOUGHT THE
PROPERTY ACROSS THE STREET AND BUILT A MUCH LARGER RESTAUR."'- NT, THEN A COCKTA IL LOUNGE.
' 1Lr. G,\ROUSEL", THEY CALLED IT, AND SOON ITS WARM INTIMATE ATMOSPHERE WAS THE SETTING
FOR _,;:i:GHTS OF GREAT JAZZ MUSIC FEATURING A CAROUSEL OF AMERICA 'S MOST RENOWNED JAZZ
.. i>.TI3T S. J IMMY SMITH, CANNONBALL ADDERLY, RAMSEY LEWI S , HORACE SILVER AND '.!:HE OTHERS
.:JUN:U A SPECIAL RAPPORT, A WARMTH, A FEELING OF COMPLE7E CJI1FORT WHICH t-'.IA.DE THEM LOOK
7 (1:S/A..·r n TO PERFORMING FOR LA CAROUSEL AUD IE NCE S AS MUCH AS J AZZ CONNOISSEURS LOOKED
r' :.P..\.1ARD TO HEARING THEM PLAY. TODAY "LA CAROUSEL" ENJOYS THE REPUTATION OF BE ING ONE
C:7 'l:TI LEADING NIGHT CLUBS FOR "LE JAZZ EXTRAORDINAIRE" IN THE SOL'TH.
_,:o w CAME THE MOST AMBITIOUS PART OF THE PASCHAL BROTHERS DREAM AND THEY SOON Fc.:m ... THAT


-r:.:Ii. .,ING A XCIT OR LODGE WAS MORE THAN JUST MIXING MORT ·~ i~OR BRICKS . FIRST LAND -··. -;:i TO


~
f' CHA SE D AND rHE AREA HAD TO BE REZONED. THEY NEE D£:) _. fOUGH LAND FOR A HOT.t:.:... 8IG
a .OuGH TO ACC OMMODATE ALL THE PEOPLE THAT MIGHT VISIT FRIENDS A1"\ID RELATIVES IN THAT
'A.RT F TOWN; ALL THE PEOPLE WHO CAME INTO ATLANTA TO DO BUSINESS WITH THE SIX COLLEGE S
~ ~ T_IB SURROUNDING AREA; ALL THE PEOPLE ••• so HOUSE BY HOUSE, LOT BY LCIT THE PA SCHALS
30UGh '£ UP THE PROPERTY AROUND THEM. THEY OFTEN FOUND THEMSELVES TALKING WITH PEOPLE 1-JHO
<>. D :... I VED THERE ALL THEIR LIVES AND wANTED IT TO BE MADE WORTH THEIR WHILE TO GO ELSEwiiER2 . MORE OFTEN THAN NCIT THEY'D PAY TWICE AS MUCH AS THE PROPERTY WAS WORTH IN ORDER
TO "B'JY IT. ORIGINALLY THE PLAN CALLED FOR THE BUILDING OF 7 2 UNITS, BUT BY THE TIME
CONSTRUCTION HAD BEGUN, COMMUNITY ENTHUSIASM WAS SO HIGH AND MONTHS-IN-ADVANCE
.di:SERVATIONS SO NUMEROUS THAT THE PASCHALS DECIDED TO ADD TWO ADDITIONAL FLOORS, 48
ADDIT IONAL UNITS.
TODAY AS THE PASCHALS LOOK AT THE Fl<.UI TS OF THE IR LABORS ·_·SEY SEE IN PASCHALS' MOT OR
HOTEL EVERYTHING THEY EVER DREAME D OF AND MORE. THE RE ARE :.. 20 GUEST ROOMS AND SUITES ••
ROOMS EXQUISITELY FURNISHED IN AN ULTRA MODERN DECOR •• BAmUET FACILITIES FOR 350
PEOPLE •• AN ADDITIONAL DINING ROOM TO ACCOMMODATE 160 PEOPLE •• AN INTERIOR THAT IS
BEAUTIFULLY CARPETED AND LUXURIOUSLY DRAPED._.SPACIOUS ROOMS EACH WITH ALL THE
CONVENIENCES: RADIO, TELEVISION, TELEPHONE, YEAR ROUND COMFORT CONDIT IONING, PRI VATE
?..:'. .TH .\ ND SHOWER, AND ROOM SERVICE. THE SM.t\LLE ST ROOM MEASURES 14 x 19 o EACH ROOM HAS
~\ •UT DOOR BALCONY AND TWO DOUBLE BEDS. AUTOMATIC ELEVATORS ARE CONVENIENTLY LOCATEJ



c .'.10 VE GUESTS SWIFTLY AND SAFELY TO THEIR FLOOR DESTINATION. THERE ARE THIRTY

oNdECTING SUITES




EXECUTIVE SUITES AND THE BAmUET ROOM OVERLOOK A 20 x 40 FOOT
,, _v..J.'f ING POOL. TI:IE POOL AND AMPLE SUNDECK FACILITIES SHOULD PROVE A DELIGHT TO
Sw L"iMERS AND NON SWIMMERS ALIKE. THERE IS A CONVENIENT SiJBTERRANEAN PARKING AREA THA:'


AN EASILY ACCOMMODATE 165 CARS.


0
Sam Eckstein Advertising-2046 Peachtree Rd., N.E.-Room 308 -Atlanta, Ga.-351-4234
p
R
E
s
s
R
E
L
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A
s
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�F.O R IMMEDIATE RELE A SE
D NEWSPAPER
D RADIO
0TV
PASCHALS 1
(Cont.)
F
PASCHALS MOTOR HOTEL IS STRATEGICALLY LOCATED AT 830 HUNTER STREET, S.W. NEAR
ATLANTA'S BUSINESS, CULTURAL, RELIGIOUS, AND RECREATIONAL CENTERS. IT IS A SHORT
BUS RIDE FROM DOWNTOWN ATLANTA YET FA1 ENOUGH AWAY TO ESCAPE THE HUBBUB OF A
THRIVING METROPOLIS. BUT ONE NEEDN'T GO DOWNTOWN TO FIND :·:OST ANY KIND OF GOODS
.:,R Sc. RVICE . NEARBY ARE GASOLINE STAT IO S, A B K, A POST ..,:S-FICE , DRUG STORE,
·_,_-,. ..;.IETY ~'. TORE, 'B ARBER Sh OP , BEAUTY PP-P.LOR , ME DICAL A_F) LAV O'F ·~·TC • c: , T!:ff. A'T'EP S AND
·;·::.;. _,., ESTATE AND INSURANCE CONCERNS. ..:· :.~TORI . ::;LURCHES AND SCi.':'.:lOLS ARE NOT FAR .
~~0 5E OUT-OF TOWNERS VISITING OR ATTENDING F•JNCTIONS AT ONE OF THE: SIX COLLEGES
ThAT COMPRISE THE ATLANTA UNIVERSITY CENTER wILL FIND THE DISTANCE FROM PASCHALS
f'~J 'i'OR HOTEL IDEAL. PARKS AND STAD i iJ£'.i0 RE ; _;__, 2"' WITHIN WALKING DISTANCE .
AND SO IT IS THAT THE PASCHAL BROTHERS ,.AN L -, .)K WITH PRIDE AT WHAT THEY SEE :
• FINE RESTAURANT WHERE FRIED CHICKEN I STILL .t'RE PARED AND WATCHED OVER BY
BRO'.::'.:ER ROBERT; A NIGHT CLUB WHICH CATERS TO THE F INEST JAZZ MUSICIANS IN THE
LAND; AND THEIR M.l\.GNIFICENT NEW MOTOR HOTEL, ULTRA-MODERN IN ~v.7ERY RESPECT , A
FAC.LL ITY THAT CA..'N READILY BOAST OF THE MOST r.XCELL ENT OF ACCOM.""'ODATIONS, BAm UET
FAC IL ITIES, AND COMFORT; AND A LOCATION THAT IS IDEAL . B ~ MORE THAN THAT THE
PASCHAL BROTHERS HAVE ACHIEVED THE FEELING OF IT BEING A HOME AVJAY FROM HOME"
BY THE WARM AND CORDIAL ATMOSPHERE - THE PEOPLE WHO SERVE YOU. CREATE.·
..,,:: " HECK THE CITY'S SKYLINE ATLANTA! THEN CHECK IN TO THE BIG BEAUTIFUL NEW
.ASCiiALS' MOTOR HOTEL,830 HUNTER STREET, s. W.
.
Sam E c kst e in Advertising - 2045 Pea chtree Rd., N . E. - Room 308 -Atl anta., Oa.-351-4234
R
E
-.....
C
C
R
E
L
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A
s
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�COPY
November 13, 1967
RES OLUTI ON ADOPTED AT !lASH- B S COORDI NATING COI,
TTEE
ETIUG
On October 13, when May I van lien, J r ., accept ed t he lis t of namrs s recommended by Mr. E. M., Laws ~ for membershi p on t he ash- Bans Coordinat ing
Committ ee ~ and desi gnated them as official r epresentati ves oft e
sh- Bans
Area , he made the followi ng stat ement : "Our number one goal is to make the
Nash- ns Community a bet ter place in -,hioh t o live ., Now it is up t o all of
us , the Committee and the Ci ty to work t ogether to see t hat , e achieve our
purpose" 0 iJo development i n the area shall
ke pl ace under the auspices of
any department in the Ci ty Government without the delegat ed representatives
of the Committee being br ought i nto a consultative r el ati onship with t e proposed de elopment in i t s initi al st ages .
J
MrQ Col lier B. Gladin, Director of Ci ty Planni M Depart ment, has r ecent ly
employed a trai ned speciali st in Urban Development i n the person of
Ir. Peter LaBree to make a study of the Nash- Bans Comm.unity in order to make
a comprehens i ve survey and recommendations or t he over - all Urban Reneual
Devel opments in th , on . I n view of the fact hat t he proposed recommendat ions of ~.tr . LaBri should be expected to include the location of the
parks , pl ayg ounds and other r ecreat ional fac i liti es as r elat ed to schools ,
churches , and the resident ial areas , it would seem alt oget her appropriate
that the Atlanta Board of Educat ion be requested to suspend any furth r developments in the area on t he Junior High School Compl ex, until the overall schedule for Urbo.n Renewal development of t1e Nash- Bans Community has
been finalized .
In consideration of the situation that i s descri bed n. ove , be i t resolved thnt
a resoluti on bo adopted at this meeting and be fo~<led to the President
of the Atlanta Board of Education by the Chairman of tho · sh- Bans Coord nating Comru.ttee re 1esting that the I\ lanta Board of Education suspend any
further development n t he Junior High School Complex until Mr . La'Biro 1 s
study has been made , his recomm ndations submitt~d to the Director of the
City Planning Dep tment, nd an opport unity afforded the ra mbers of the
Committee to be made intelligently a are of the degree nd extent to which
the proposed school comple shall become a part of the over- 11 proer m of
dovelopmant of the Nash- ns Communit y o
Be it furtber resolvod that represent tivas 0£ the Board o
F.ducation,
represen ativ so the City Pla
ng Dapa.rtment, nd the
sh- ns Coordinating Co
tteo shall meet to evaluat Mr . La.Brie ' s r connne tions , in th
lieht of tne sentinents xpr ssed by his Honor, tt yor Ivan Allen, Jr . , vhen
the ra.embers of the Il oh-Bans Coordinating ColllJnittee were given their official
st tus.
Be it .further resolved that, a. copy of th . resolution shall be for\ rd
to his Honor the
yor ,
• Collier B. Gladin., Daily and \leekly Press .,
a copy recorded in our minutes.
nd
�j
November 13 , 1967
, Mr. Mike Chanin
THE EMORY WHEEL
Aiumni Memorial Office
Emory Universi ty
Atlanta, Georgia
De r Mike :
I have read with intere t your c ol umn "The J undic ed Eye" •
I congr tulat you on it and I think you have done a good job
in rese rching the facts and in pre enting th m .
May I offer you the following information whi.c h I do not believe
you bad t the time you wrote the rticle . The Atlanta C mber
of Commer-ce, for a number of year • has ccepted member
regardless of r ce.; and, even today, Mr. Clayton R . Y te
erves
member of the Bo rd of Dir ctors.
your tatemeut concerning The Commerce Club i in
I have personally. on everal occ sions, had Negroe
a my g at for lunch in The Commerce Club.
ha been voi.c ed to my kno ledg •
Thi information ia not offered
but, mer 1y, ftn you to have.
criticism nor· for cecrection
Sincerely,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
JAJr-:am
~o objection
�November 6, 1967
CITY HALL
ATLA!'<"TA. GA. 30303
Tel. 522-4463 Area Code 404
IVAN ALLEN, JR., MAYOR
MEMORANDUM
R. EARL LANDERS, Administrative Assistant
MRS. ANN M. MOSES, Executive Secretary
DAN E. SWEAT, JR., Director of Governmental liaison
To: Urban Coalition Steering Committee
-From: Dan Sweat
The Private Employment Task Force of the National Urban Coalition
has scheduled a regional conference on expanding private employment
in Atlanta on December 13. The conference will last for the better
part of the day and will involve nationally known business officials and
others who will discuss ways their companies have helped to reduce
unemployment or provide additional job opportunities and advancement
for the low-income people.
As part of our local contribution tq the program, it has been suggested
that the slide program on employment d e veloped by the Human Resources
group be presented to the Coalition meeting. This Human Resources
group is made up of representatives of the City of Atlanta, Community
Council, Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, and Economic Opportunity
Atlanta, Inc .
The slide program has b een dev e loped ove r the last eighteen months
period and is designed to present to the private businessman of
Atlanta the pictur e on unemployment and programs designed to combat
the problem. A preview of the slide program has been scheduled for
3:00 p. m., Wednesday, Novemb e r 8, in Committee Room 1 of City
Hall.
The Mayor and other members of the Local Coalition Steering Committee
are being invi.ted to attend to critique the presentation along with Bob
Wood of th e M e ri-t Employers Association and one or two other conc erned individuals.
I hope tha t your s c h e dul e will permit your a ttending this pre vie w.
should last about an hour.
DS :fy
It
�Dr. King Goes Back to Jail ~ /
HEAR REV. FRED SHUTTLESWORTH
(JUST RELEASED .FROM 5 DAYS IN THE BIRMINGHAM JAIL)
TUESDAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 31, 1967
8:00 PM
Mt. Moriah .Baotist Churc·h
(CORNER OF FAIR & ASHBY STREETS, S. W.)
SPECIAL ATTRACTION
. ATT·END
Atlanta's .Best Funeral
EULOGIES
.EULOGIES
FOR
FOR
THE
ATLANTA .1 S
SUMIT
LEADERSHIP
CONFERENCE
"RESPONSIBLE ' ; . NEGRO
LEADERS
Hear About the Deeds of Black Leaders the
White Folks Downtown Picked to Lead Us
MAIL CONDOLENCES TO THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE , .
MAYOR IVAN ALLEN AND SUPERINTENDENT LETSON
S PONSORED BY The Atlanta Freedom Coalition
�I
1linifieo ~r~ool ~istrir± 410
DURH AM - H I LLSBO RO - L E HI G H
H ILLSBORO , KANSAS 67063
NICK A. KLAASSEN, Principal
Hillsboro High School
205 South Adams
Hillsboro, Kansa s 67063
Oct ober 21, 1967
Mayor I van Allen Jr.
City Hall
Atlanta, Georgi a
30300
Dear Sir:
In our junior American Hi story clas s a friend and I are reporting on raci al
r iots in ma jor cities where t hey ha.ve occured . 1-/e would deepl y appreciate your
vi ew point by bri efly answering t he questions on t he second page . I f t here i s
anything el se you wish to add or comment on-newspaper articl es , pamphlets , or
photographes-please do so . Thi s information will be put to its best educational
use .
This information is needed as soon as possible. I would greatl y appreciate
any material you would send us . Thank you for your time .
Sinqerel y yours ,
I
/A< t
It/ '-<fc·
De bbie Ebel
() JV
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c_
�2.
1.
'vhat i s t he rel ationshi p in your city between
the Negroes and the Whites?
2.
What do you think , i n your opinion, i s the cause
of riots?
3.
,vhat effect does r ioting have on your city and
1
people?
4.
Are there any moderate or extreme l eaders in
your city ? If s o , who are they .
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�ATLANTA, GEORGIA
THURSDAY,
OCTOBER 26 - 10 A.
.
Property of
DR. WILLIAM H. WARINER
Located in 1900 block of Boulevard
Drive, N. E., across from Kirkwood
Theatre.
Photo above shows front of property
on Boulevard Drive with driveway on
right, parking lot on left. Lot has
100-foot frontage .
View at right shows rear of building
and bi g area suita ble for parking. Lot
runs back 300 feet from street.
PRIME COMMERCIA
PROPERTY
ronting Two Streets in Kirkwood Section
THE HARLEM OF THE SOUTH
Lot fronting on Howa rd Street and
adjoining lot at the rear. (60' x 100'.)
This is a prime commercial tract with 100' by
300' lot fronting on Boulevard Drive N.E. and a
second lot adjoining at the rear and facing
Howard Stree.t, 60' x 100'. Zoned com me re ia I,
it offers a fine opportunity for a funeral home,
commercial development or a profitable investment in real estate. The building has a chapel
which will seat 44 people, and an office. There
is also a half basement. A large space at the
side and rear and the Howard Street lot will accommodate over 100 cars.
Be sure to look t his property over before sale
day-it goes at your p rice!
�ACWORTH, GEORGIA
THURSDAY,
OCTOBER 26 - 3 P.M.
PROPERTY OF MR. E. 0. TURNER
Located one mile south of Acworth on
Highway 293-about 4 miles north of
Kennesaw.
DEVELOPED COMMERCIAL PROPERTY
WITH ADJOINING HOME
This is a real opportunity for you to acquire a valuable
piece of highway road frontage with store buildings and
a comfortable, modern home just one mile out of town
and you can get it at the price you want to pay . . . at
Auction!,
This fine tract, irregular in shape, has a total of about 3
acres, with 350 feet on the highway and averaging 300
feet deep. There's a good business at the store and service
station with comfortable living quarters in the rear. The
extra store building could provide a profitable rental and
you can supervise the entire operation from your own
home on the adjoining property.
Be sure to look this over before sale day and see how it can
fit into your plans - then be at the Auction with your bid.











350-FOOT FRONTAGE
MODERN HOME
STORE-SERVICE STATION
With Living Quarters
STORE BUILDING AND
STORAGE
ABARGAIN BUY
AT THE PRICE
YOU SET!
·-
.
.
-
-
-
- -
.
-
--
~--
-
�•
d
COMFORTA BLE, MODERN HOME
Conveniently close to the store and service
station is this comfortable one-story home on
a nicely landscaped and fenced lot. It contains two bedrooms, kitchen, breakfast area,
living room with wall-to-wall carpet. Garage
and porches. Several bearing fruit trees are
in the rear.
View of the light, modern kitchen
with built-in cabinets. No furnishings
will be sold.
STORE-GAS STATION
WITH LIVI NG QUARTERS
Presently leased, the store and gas station
do a nice business with the owner advising
that over 20,000 gallons of gas sold pe r
month. An additional value is the convenient living qua rters in the rear of the
building consisting of 3 rooms with 1 ½
baths. A meat slice r and meat sca les will
be the only equipment offe red for sale.
STORE-AUCTION BUILDING AND
ADJOINING STORAGE BUILDING
This we ll-buil t brick building, 32' x 28',
has been used a s an auc tion building but
could readily be conve rted to a restaurant
or other comme rcial use. The small building adjoining provides good storage for any
purpose.
�ROBERT F. KENNEDY
NEW YORK
WASHINGTON, D .C.
20510
October 13, 1967
Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr o
Office of the Mayor
Atlanta, Georgia
.Dear Mayor Allen:
Senator Kennedy asked me to send t he enclosed
le tte r along to you.
We , of cour se , have no f irs t - hand knowledge of
the fa c ts involved , but the concern of t hose in
the Negro community certainly appear s t o be genu ine o
I wonde r i f you could advise me a bout t he matter, so
that I can advise t he Senator .
I am sure we have thanked you f or your testimony
before the Senate Finance Committee recently, but
let me just add my personal thanks. I heard you testify,
and I thought that your remarks were most i mpressive.
With best wishes.
. Sincerely,
(fa_E;µ__
Peter Bo Edelman
Legislative Assistant
Enclosure
�• '. ,., ' L 1, 11 1 • ,..
I
_ ,_ - - - - - - - -
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U: t I )(
CCII
11 .). '~
1
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September
2i 1967
Senator Robert Kennedy
United States Senate
Was hington , D .c o
.I
I
De ar Senator K;ermedy:
'i 'hc enclosed news cli ppi ng is submitted as supporting evidence
of t he provocative r eaction of he repr esentatives of the Ne e ro
Com;@.l, it,y with respect to the naming of a segre gated school f or your
b:ro'i:.her , t-he l ate Jo;}f", '"' . :"ermedy o
t a met ting held last ni ght in
the auditoriu m of ·~h Georgia. Teachers and Education Association
in At,l anta , a resolution was pass ed unani mousJ.y requesting a:'ld
~;;.tho:cizing the Hri~e-' t0 bring t his ma tt er in t his fashion to ycuratte 1tion o Beca-J.sc th2 buildint; of tl 1:: school on the c c-ntro-.rcrsal
site reprewents ~n ext nsicn a.~d perpetuation of the seg r eg&t e d
school p.::t1:,e rnJ1 tho hom;; o,,me:rs oc.::~pying propt:r'.,;.y i.:l the aera under
c cnsiderat.ic.n hava .f'il d suit in t he North Georgia Federal District
Cc.urt. o If t e dEJc i"'ion of the cour'v is unfavorable in 'i:.his ins tanc0
an appeal will be fil "d ,1ith the 5th Circuit Court in :~ew Orleans
and t.hc matt,er may re ach the Supre .e CoJ.rt of the Un:i.t.ed St.ates
before -c,he rr!Q,tter is finally adjudi cated.
With this background we wru l d hope that you mi ght wish to inqdre
of the f::,esident of t .e Board of Education .i.nd the superintendent
of tho At l anta Schools as to whether any colored person Has co t cted
as t o the na'.11ing cf the segre gated school fer your br other whj ch would
of c ourse include thos w:io:::; e property they plan to ~e cure t,hrough
c cnde rri:la t :l.on proceedings becau::,e the c.-mers hs:..re refused to sell thei r
pr operty· to the Boa 1Ad of Education o The persona l a."1d official be
havior patt E:rns of the l ate Pre s ider:t Kennedy should be concrete
pr oof that he would not be in sym _t hy wit h any type of segr egated
enterprise bearing his name o tr.ore than 35 ,ooo col~red peopl e were
represent e d in the m eting laat night where this organized disfavor
was registered o
·
0
I wou ld . appre ciate hearing f rom you when you have had a chance
to give attention which t his ma tt e r deserves .
I am since rely y ours 1
Jes sa
o.
Thomas
J(JJ: :nbg
CC Senator Edward Kenn edy
Enclosure
j
�October 2, 1967
Mr . Edward S. White
Nall, Miller, Cadenhead & Dennis
2434 National Bank of Georgia Bldg .
Atlanta, Georgia 30303
Dear Ed:
Thank you very much for sending me the two
newspaper clipping on the current racial
turmoil.
I bad not seen the e articles and I appreciate
your sending them to me.
Sincerely yours,
Ivan Allen, Jr.
M ayor
IAJr/br
�NALL, MILLER, CADENHEAD
&
DENNIS
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
SAMUEL A . MILLER
A . PAUL CADENHEAD
DOUGLAS DENNIS
JAMES W . DORSEY
EDWARDS . WHITE
HAMILTON DOUGLAS,JR .
DONALD M . FAIN
THEODORE G . FRANKEL
MICHAEL D . ALEMBIK
. LYNN A . DOWNEY
JAMES W . M C:: RAE
ROBERT E . CORR Y, JR .
GERALD A . FRIEDLANDER
DENNIS J . W EBB
THOM A S SCOTT C A RLOCK
BAXTER L . DAV IS
PRICES . WILLIAMS, JR.
2434 NATIONAL BANK OF GEORGIA BUILDING
ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30303
September 29, 1967
A. WALTON NALL
COUNSEL
JACKSON 2-2200
The Honorable Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor
City Hall, 68 Mitchell Street, S. W.
Atlanta, Georgia 30303
Dear Ivan:
There are enclosed two newspaper clippings
that I found of special interest in connection with
the current racial turmoil. One is a special article
cut from the London Sunday Times of 30 July, 1967,
entitled "A Generation of Despair". The other one is
one of a series of articles written by Robert L. Strout
of the Christian Science Monitor.
I am sure that you have been flooded with
material on this subject, but these two articles seemed
especially interesting to me, and you may find them
worth reading.
With best wishes, I am
Sin~ ere
Edw
ESW: e rm
Enclosures
ua_- yours,
. Whi t e
�r·
THE NATIONAL ADVISORY COMMISSION ON CIVIL DISORDERS
1016 16TH STRE E T, N .W.
WASHINGTOtl, D. C.
.
0
_/"
20036
. Septero~er 20~ 1967
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
!Id
MEMORANDUM TO THE COMMISSIONE<t---SUBJECT:
Possible Ad Hoc Recommendation Calling for
Special Training Course for Local Law
Enfor~ement Officials
r. · This memorandum is designed to serve as a basis for
discussion of a possible ad hoc recommendation by the
Commission, calling upon the President to instruct the
Department of Justice to establish and conduct this
winter a training program for local law enforcement
officials in riot prevention and control.
2. 'l'he background to the proposed recommendation is as
follows. Over the past seven weeks, the staff and I have
had several discussions with the F~B.I., the Department
of Justice and others with respect to possible methods
by which the riot cont~ol and riot prevention techniques
of local police forces can be upgraded. One of those
with whom we discussed the question, Patrick Murphy,
the Assistant Director of the Department of Justice
Office of Law Enforcement Assistance, has submitted a
memorandum suggesting as a possible approach the
esta.blishr~nt of a training cours·e in Washington for
law enforcement officials of the Nation's 100 largest
cities or, alternate ly, of all cities with population
of over 100,000.
3. Murphy's proposal. envisions a two day conferenc~
for mayors, a one we ek course for.police chiefs, and
a two to four week course for other key police
personne l -- chiefs of operations, directors of
planning, dire ctors of training, and dire ctors of
community relations. The course w_o uld include such
�2
subjects as community relations, detection systems-,
riot control tactics, r a pid mobilization, command
and control syste ms, intellige nce systems, communications
systems, decision making during riots, advance planning,
and joint operations with neighboring police, the state
police, the National Guard and the Army.
4.
The cost of the program is estimated by Mr. Murphy
to be roughly $500,000.
Da.vid Ginsburg
Executive Director
�Au; us t
16, 1967
i.1ayo r I van LU l en , .Jr .
S t a te Capitol
,\ tlanta , i'}e or ~ia
Dea r I,layor All en :
On Aug ust 1 , we wrote to you co nc e r nin 3 the
p os sib ility of a l ayman furnishin; test i mony to
t he Com~issio~ a re nt r~cial prob le ms , b ut to date ,
have not rec eived a repl y .
Since we a re so interested in t he sutject , we
would aQpre ci ate the opportunity to prov ide data .
Your s very trul y ,
~~lfr
Sll ; cmz
102C Willett Drive
.Joh ns to wn , Penna .
I
�I.~Steering Committee
The Urban Coalition
Co-Chairmen: Mr. Andrew Heiskell
Mr. A. Philip Randolph
I. W. Abel
President
United Steelworkers
Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr.
Atlanta
Roy Ash
President
Litton Industries
Mayor Joseph M. Barr
Pittsburgh
President, U.S. Conference of Mayors
Mayor Jerome P. Cavanagh
Detroit
Frederick J. Close
Chairman of the Board
Aluminum Company of America
Mayor John F. Collins
Boston
Mayor Richard J. Daley
Chicago
Archbis hop John F. Dearde n
President
National Conference of Catholic Bishops
Dr. Arthur Flemming
President
National Council of Churches
Henry Ford II
Chairman
Ford Motor Company
Joseph D. Keenan
Secretary
International Brotherhood of
Electrical Workers
The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King
President
Southern Christian Leadership
Conference
Mayor John V. Lindsay
New York
Executive Committee, U.S. Conference of Mayors
George Meany
President
AFL-CIO
Mayor Arthur N aftalin
Minneapolis
Chairman, Community Relations
Committee , U . S . Conference
o f Ma yor s
Gerald
L. Phillippe
\
Chairman of the Board
General El e ctric Compa ny
Wa lter Reuther
President , Citizens Cru sad e
Aga ins t Poverty
President , Unit e d Auto Workers
David Rockefeller
President
Chase Manhattan Bank
James Rouse
President, The Rouse Company
President, Urban America Inc.
�Steering Committee
The Urban Coalition
Page 2
Rabbi Jacob P. Rudin
President
Synagogue Council of America
Bayard Rustin
Executive Director
A. Philip Randolph Institute
Theodore Schlesinger
President
Allied Stores Corporation
Asa T. Spaulding
President
North Carolina Mutual Insurance
Company
David Sullivan
President
Building Service Employees International Union
Mayor James H. J. Tate
Philadelphia
President, National League of
Cities
John Wheeler
President, Southern Regional Council
President, Mechanics and Farmers
Bank
Roy Wilkins
Chairman, Leaders hip Conference
on Civil Rights
Executive Director, National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People
Whitney Young, Jr.
Executive Director
National Urban League
\
�FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
FROM: The Urban Coalition
For further information: Donald Canty, Urban America Inc., 2 65-2224
The Urban Coalition has scheduled its Emergency Convocation for
August 24 at the Shoreham Hotel in Washington, D. C.
Co-chairmen o f the Convocation will be Andrew Heiskell and
A. Philip Randolph.
Mr. Heiskell is chairman of the board of Time Inc.
and also of Urban America Inc.
Mr. Randolph is president of the Brother-
hood of Sleeping Car Porters.
The Coalition was formed Monday, July 31, by 20 national leaders
of business, labor, religion, civil rights, and city government.
It is call-
ing the Convocation to mobilize the nation's public and private resources in
a concerted attack on urban problems.
Announce ment of t h e date and co-chairme n of the Convocation
was made today at a pla nning meeting i n the Urban America offices . Also
releas ed wa s a list of 12 additional indiv i duals who had expressed su pport
of the Co a lit ion but wer e una bl e to attend the July 31 meeting, and have joined
the ori gina l 2 0 l ead ers as members of the Coa lit ion St eering C ommittee:
May o r Ivan All e n of Atlanta; Roy Ash, President of 'i-,itton Industries ; Mayor
Jerome P . Cavanagh of D et ro it; Fr e derick J. C lo se , Chairman of the Boa rd
of th e Aluminum Company of America; Mayor John F. Co llin s o f Bosto n;
Ma y or Ri chard J. Dal ey of Chicago ; Henry For d II ,
Chairman of the For d
Mo tor Company; James Rous e , Pr es ident of Th e Rouse Company and o f
Urban America Inc.; Theodore Schl es inger, Pr eside nt of Allied Stores Corpora -
�r
The Urban Coalition
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Page 2
tion; Asa T. Spaulding, President of the North Carolina Mutual Insurance
Company; David Sullivan, President of the Building Service Employees
International Union; and Mayor James H. J. Tate of Philadelphia, President of the National League of Cities.
The Coalition expects an attendance of 1,000 at the one-day
Convocation.
Each segment will issue invitations to 200 individuals .
In the morning, there will be a general session on the Convocation' s three major programs. They are:
--An emergency work program to provide job training and employment for the urban poor, now being drafted into specific legislation;
--A major expansion of the private sector's efforts to train and
provide jobs for the hard-core unemploy ed, such as the "Earn and Learn"
programs now underway in several cities;
- -A long-range program for the phy sical and social reconstruction
of American cities "to break up the vicious cycle of the ghetto," in the
\
words of the Coalition's July 31 statement of purpose.
Following the morning session, a delegation from the Coalition's
Steering Committee will call upon Congressional leaders of both parties
to present thes e programs.
In the afternoon, the Convocation will break up into work groups
to discuss the means of implementing these programs, particularly through
formation of local coaliti ons involving the same segments as the national
�7
The Urban Coalition
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Page 3
effort. At the end of the day, there will be a general session to hear a
report of the Steering Committee delegation to Congress.
The July 31 meeting at which the Coalition was formed was convened by Mayor Joseph M. Barr of Pittsburgh, president of the U. S. Conference of Mayors, and by Mayor John V. Lindsay of New York, a member
of the Conference's executive committee.
A copy of the Coalition's statement of purpose and a roster of
the full Steering Committee are attached.











\
�t
I
I
I
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
FROM: The -' Urban Coalition
For further information: Donald Canty , Urban Americ a Inc., 265-222 4
The Urban Coa lition has scheduled its Emergency Convocation for
August 24 at th e Shoreham Hotel in Washington, D.C.
Co-chairmen of the Convoca tion will be Andrew Heiskell and
A. Philip Rand~lph.
Mr. Heiskell is chairman of the board of Time Inc.
and also of Urba n America In c.
Mr. Randolph is president of the Brother-
hood of Sl eeping Car Pqrters.
The Coalition was formed Monday , July 31, by 20 national leaders
.
.
of business, la bor, relig ion, civil rights, and city government. It is calling the Convoca tion to mobilize the nation 's public a nd privat e resources in
.a concerted atta ck on urban problems .
Announce ment of t he da te and co-chairmen of the Convocation
wa s made today a t a pla nning meeting i n th e Urban America o ffi c es . Also
releas ed wa s a list of 12 a dditional individuals who had e x pressed support
of the Coa lition but wer e unabl e to a ttend the July 31 me eting, and have joined the origi na l 20 leaders as members of. the Coa litio n St eering Committee:
May or Ivan All en o f Atla nta; Roy Ash, Presid e nt of 4tto n Industries; Mayor
Jerome P. Ca vanagh o f Detro it; Fre d eri ck J. C lo se , Chairman o f t he Bo a rd
o f the Aluminum Compar:iy of America; Mayor John F. Co llins of Boston;
__}>.
Mayor Richard J . Dal ey of Chicago ; Henry Ford II,
Chairman o f the Ford
Mot or Company; James Rouse, President of The Rouse Company and of
Urban America Inc.; The odore Schlesinger, President of Allied Stores Corpora-
,.,
�The Urban Coalition
FOR IMMED IATE RELEASE
Page 2
tion; Asa T. Spaulding, President of t he North Carolina Mutual Insurance
Company; David Sullivan, Pre sident of the Building Service Employees
International Union; and Mayor James H. J. Tate of Philadelphia, Presi-
"
dent of the National League of Cities.
The Coalition ex pe cts an att endance of l , 00 0 at the one-day
Convocation. Each segmen t will issue invitations to 2 00 individuals.
, In the morning, there will be a general session on the Convocation' s three major pro gra ms. The y are:
--An emergency work program to provide job training and employ- _
ment for the urban poor, now being draft ed into specific legislation ;
- -A major ex pa nsion of th e priv ate s e ct or' s efforts to train a nd
provide jobs for the hard-core unemploy ed, such as the "Earn and Learn"
programs now underwa y in several citie s;
--A long-ran ge program fo r th e phy sica l a nd s o cia l r e c o nstruction
of American citie s "to bre ak up the vicious cy cle of th e ghetto," in th e
.
.
\
.
words of th e Co a lition's July 31 state ment of purpo se .
Following the morning session, a d el egatio n from the Coalitio n ' s
Steering Committee will ~all upon Congressiona l leaders o f both partie s
.
to present t hese programs.
In the afternoon, the Convocation will break up into work groups
to d i scu ss the means o f implementing these programs, particularly through
formation of local coalitions involving the same segments as the national
..· ·.
�The Urban Coalition
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Page 3
effort. At the end of the day, there will be a general session to hear a
report of the Steering Committee delegation to Congress.
The July 31 meeting at which the Coalition was formed was convened by Mayor Joseph M. Barr of Pittsburgh, president of the U. S. Conference of Mayors, and by Mayor John V. Lindsay of New York, a member
of the Conference's executive committee.
A copy of the Coalition's statement of purpose and a roster of
the full Steering Committee are attached.











.>.
.
·.
.
�STATEMENT UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BY THE URBAN COALITION
July 31, 1967
· Washington, D. C.
PREAMBLE
The tangible results of the urban riots in terms of death, injury,
and property damage are horrifying in themselves.
The intangible damage in
terms of the riots' effects on men's minds may yet be even greater .
.
At this moment, millions of Americans are forming attitudes that
could mean disaster to our social structure: the home-owner who vows to shoot
. the next suspicious character he sees in his neighborhood; the businessman who
decides. to g~t out of th_e slums; the labor leader who determines to keep minoritiE;s
out; the insurance man who refuses to cover slum properties; the Negro or White
who goes out to take whatever he can get his hands on; the legislator who fails
to meet his public responsibHities.
These people and others are reversing a trend that, however slowly,
was working to the benefit of our cities' disadvantaged minorities.
Let them
realize that it is the citizen, in the end, who will keep our country united or will

divide it.
It is government's duty to maintain law and order.
st~nd that law and order is not an excuse "for oppression.
.
If law and order is to
\
.
But all must under-
-
be accepted by the minorities, the majority must clearly and positively demonstrate its belief that justice, social progress, and equality are rights of every
citizen.
J>.
· We, the undersigned, pledge ourselves to this purpose.
We will
call upon ~he leaders of all segments of society, city by city, to publicly commit_
.
themselves to 'programs enabling the disadvantaged minoritie s to share in all of
the benefits of our society.
.. ·
. .











�STATEMENT UNANIMOUSLY ADOPTED BY THE URBAN COALITION
Page 2
This conference of leaders of business, labor, religions, education,
civil rights, and c:i,J:y govern ment has formed an Urban Coalition to bring about a
sense of immediate urgency about the need for positive and progressive action
for our cities.
Lawlessness and all its ingredients cannot be tolerated.
Looting,
burning·, and bottle throwing are criminal acts and must be dealt with as such.
But let not a reaction to acts, committed by a small fraction of the
population of the country's ghettos, blind us to the absolute necessity of moving
dramatically and immediately to correct the desperate condition of our urban centers.
We call upon the Nation and the Congress to reorder our national
priorities, with a commitment of national resources equal to the dimensions of
the problems we face.

The crisis require s a full new dimension in both the public
and private sectors, working together for jobs, housing, education, and the
oth er needs of our cities.
(
This Coalition believes th e Congress must move without delay on
urban ·programs.
The country can wait no longer for model cities, antipoverty ,
·'·
housing, education , and job··training
legislation, and a host of other matters
that have been too long denied ·t he ci_ties.
We call upon the Federal Government to develop an Em ergency
Work and Reconstruction Program to provide new training programs and jo bs
.. · ·.
�STATEMENT UNANIMO.USLY ADOPTED BY THE URBAN COALITION
Page 3
for the unemployed.
The Coalition also belie ves that the private sector of Ame rica must
..
directly and vigorously involve itself in the crisis of the cities by a commitment
to investment, job training and hiring, and all other things that are necessary to
the full · enjoyment of the fr~e ente rprise system, and also to its survival.
To carry this forward, the .Coalition commits itself to proceed immediately to promote "Earn and Le arn Centers" in the cities of the country to provide
job training a nd jobs. The Coalition agree s these centers might w e ll b e the joint
venture of business, labor, and local governme nt.
The Coalition believes the sickne ss of the citie s, including civic
disorde r within the m, is the r e spon sibility of the whole of Ame rica . Ther e fo re ,
it is the · responsibility of eve ry Ame rica n to join in the cre a tion of a n ew political,
socia l, e conomic and moral climate whic h will make poss i bl e the bre a king up of
the vic iou s c ycle of the gh e tto.
(
The Coa lition's commitme nt can be for no l es s and its d e t e r min a tion
is for e v e n mo re .
Th e C oal ition'furth e r co mmit s its e lf to conve n e a n U rba n Co a lition
.>.
Eme rgency Convo ca tion in Wa shi ng ton n ear the e nd of Augu st .
The Convoca tion w ill b e a t t e nded by 1 , 0 00 l eader s a cro s s t he Na tion
of bu s iness , l a bor, re ligion , e duca tio n , c ivil right s , and c ity gov ernme n t.
·.
..
�Those attending the rr1eeting included:
I. W. Ab e l, President, Unite d Ste elwork ers of Am e rica, AFL-CIO
Arnold Aronson (representing Ro y Wilk ins), Executive Secretary , National
Leadership Conference on Civil Rights
Mayor Joseph M. Barr, President, U.S. Conference of Mayors
Andrew J. Biemiller (representing George M e any), Legislative Director, AFL-CIO
'
.
Walter Fauntroy (repres e nting Martin Luther King), Washington Representative,
Southern Christian Leadership Conference
Arthur S. Flemming, President, National Counc11 of Churches
Andrew Heiskell, Chairman of the Board, Time, Inc. and Chairman, Urban
• America Inc .
Joseph Keenan, Secretary-Treasurer, International Brotherhood of Electrical
Workers, AFL-CIO
Mayor John V. Lindsay, Executive Committee, U.S. Conference of Mayors
Mayor Arthur Naftalin, Chairman, Com munity Re lations Committee , U.S.
Confere nc e of Ma yors
Gerald Phillipp e , Chairman of the Board, G e neral Electric
I
1.
Walter Reuth e r, President, Citi z ens Crusad e Against Pov e r t y and Pre sident,
United Auto Workers, AFL-CIO
David Roc ke fell e r, Pre sident, Chase M anhattan Bank /
Rabbi Jacob P. Rudin, President, Synagogue Council of America
Bayard Rustin (repre senting A. Philip Ra ndolph), Ex ecutive Director, A. Philip
Randolph Institute
Bishop Paul Tanner (re pre sen ting Archbishop De arden), G e n e ral Se cre ta ry ,
National Confe r en c e of Catholic Bishops
John Whee i er , Pr eside nt, M e chanics a n d Farmers Ban k, Durh am , N . C . , a nd
Preside nt , Southe rn Re gional Coun c il
Whi t ney Yo un g , Exe cutive Direc to r , Na tion a l U rb an Leag ue
7/ 31/6 7
~
l p ..m • .
�STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES, GOALS, AND COMMITMENTS
EMERGENCY CONVOCATION: THE URBAN COALITION
We are experiencing our third summer of widespread civil disorder.
In 1965, it was Harlem, and the disaster of Watts. In 1966, it was
the Hough area of Cleve land, Omaha, Atlanta, Dayton, San Francisco and
24 other cities. This summer, Newark and Detroit were only the most tragic
of 8 0 explosions of violence in the streets .
Confronted by these cata strophic eve nts, w e , as r e pres e ntative s
of business, labor, religion, civil rights, and local government, have joined
in this Convocation to create a sens e of national urgenc y on the need for
positive action for all the pe ople of our c ities.
We are united in the following convictions:
W e b e lieve the tangible e ffe cts o f the urban riots in t e rms of
d eath, i njury , a nd prope rty dama ge , horri f ying though the y are , are l es s to
be feared than the intangible damage to men's minds.
W e belie v e it is the gove rn ment' s d ut y to ma inta in l a w and ord er .
W e bel ieve t hat o ur thoug hts a nd actions should b e direct e d
I
to the d eep-roote d and historic proble ms of the citie s.
W e believe that w e; as a nation.
, must c l earl y and positivel y
demons t rate our belief t hat justice , social progress , and equality of opportunit y a re ri ght s of ever y c itize n .
We believe the American peopl e and t he Congress mu st reorde r
nationa l priorities , with a commitment of resources e qua l to the magnitude
of the problems we face.
The crisis requires a new dimension of effort in
both the public and private sectors, working together to provide jobs, housing,
�STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES I GOALS• AND COMMITMENTS
Page 2
education , and the other needs of our cities.
We believe the Congress must move without delay on urban
programs. The country can wait no longer for measures that have too long
been denied the people of the cities and the nation as a whole--additional
civil rights l egislation, adequately funded model cities, anti-poverty,
housing, e duc a tion, and job- training programs, and a host of othe rs.
W e believe the private sector of America must directly and
v i gorously involve itse lf in the cris i s of the cities by a c ommitment to
inve stme nt, job-training, and hiring, and all that is nece ssary to the full
enjoyme nt of the free e nterprise system--and also to its survival.
W e b e lie ve the sickne ss of the citie s , including civic dis order
within the m, is the res ponsibility of the whole of Ame rica . There fore , it
is t he re sponsibility of e v e r y Ame rican to join in the creation of a new
p olitical, s oc i a l, e con o mic , a nd mora l c limat e tha t will ma ke p o s sible the
breaking of the vi c·ious c yc l e of the g he tto. Effort s must( be mad e to i nsure
the broa de st pos sibl e opportunity for P.ll c itizens a nd group s, i ncluding
those in t he ghetto, to part ic i pat e fully in shaping and direct ing t he society
of which the y are a part.
This Conv oc ation calls upo n t he nation t o end once and for all
the shame of poverty amid gene ral affl u e nce. Government and business mus t
accept respons ibility to provide all Americans with opportunity to earn an
adequate income.
Private industry must greatly accelerate its efforts to
�PLEASE NOTE
have reprinted chis
booklet by offset from a
similar reprint made from
the original, in 194 5, by The
National Economic Council.
Additional copies are available from us at the following prices: In lots of I to 99,
at three for one dollar; I 00
to 999, at twenty-five cents
each; I 000 or more, at twenty cents each. Order from
\'(le
..
l
AM E RICAN
OPINION
Belmont, Massachusetts 02178
�FOREWORD
T
HE world is caught in the depths of a great crisis. Masses
of people live on the brink of starvation. Discontent and un·
rest are more widespread than ever before. Changes are taking
place in society and in government. Intensive preparations for
war and movements towards fascism are developing quickly.
These are times of great changes and of quick transformations.
The old ideas, upon which generations of people have been
raised, are crumbling because life no longer justifies them. New
ideas take their place. People in all walks of life are seeking new
solutions, an effective way out of present conditions.
What is the relation of the Negroes in the United States to
this rapidly changing world? They are now living through one
of the most trying times in their history. What is the way out?
This question presents itself more sharply to the Negro masses
than to any other section of the population.
It is our purpose in this pamphlet to answer this question,
We believe we express the minimum desires of the Negro
masses when we say that they want at least:
1. A decent and secure livelihood;
2. The rights of human beings;
3. An equal, honorable and respected status in all public
and social life.
Capitalism has not been able to provide these needs, and is
less and less able to do so. There are those who sav that by re·
forming capitalism it can be made to fi II the neerls o'f the mas5es.
We will show why this is impossible.
There i-s only one real, effective way out for the masses. It is
not an easy one. But no basic change in society is easy. This wa~
leads to a Soviet America. This is the only realistic vision
freedom possible today. It must be achil'ved, it can be achie,·eh
·
• t e
How? We will first show the basis of Negro slavl'TY 10 • g
United States today. We will then show how all Levents are push•~e
towards another revolution in the United StatP!I and wha t r;rY
the Negro people will play in this revolution. We will then ·ble
to describe the tremendous vista of freedom and advance pMs•
in a Soviet America.
THE NEGROES
.
in
a
SOVIET AMERICA
by
James W. Ford
and
James S. Allen
d
2
P.
PUBLISHED BY WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS
BOX 148, STA. D, NEW YORK CITY, JUNE, 1935
o.
�The Negroes in a Soviet America
By JAMES W. FORD and JAMES S. ALLEN
I. THE NEGRO IN CAPITALIST AMERICA
BOOKER T. Washington once said: "No race that has anything
to contribute to the markets of the world is long in any
degree ostracized." He thought that capitalism would permit the
Negro to develop business and manufacturing, and increase his
ownership of land. In this way, he believed, the Negro could
achieve an important economic place in the capitalist world. His
whole philosophy was based upon this belief. "Agitation for
social equality," he said, "would be extreme folly." Let each
Negro train himself in industrial pursuits or in business, hew
a place for himself in capitalist America, and only then will he
be treated with respect, was his advice.
But what has this wisdom led to?
Economic "Progress"
Let us first consider the question of landownership. During
the Civil War and immediately after, the Negroes thought that
taey would obtain the land-"forty acres and a mule." But
nothing of the kind happened. Only very slowly and with much
difficulty was it possible for some to purchase land. By 1910
only one-fourth of all Negro farmers owned some land, usually
very little, the poorest and most heavily mortgaged.
But for the last 25 years, capitalism has been taking even
this land away from Negro farmers. In 1930 there were 40,000
less Negro farm owners tha..--. in 1910. In ten years, between 1920
and 1930, Negroes lost almost 2,000,000 acres of land. How
much they have lost in the last five years, no one knows. But it
is certain that land is being taken away now from Negro owners
by banks, insurance companies, large landowners and other
creditors, much more rapidly than before.
On the other hand, the most brutal form of slavery in the
country has been growing rapidly. The Negroes are the prin•
cipal victims of this slavery. It is share~ropping and planta•
a
�tion tenancy. Everyone knows that when chattel slavery was
abolished the plantations remained. Most of the Negroes became share-croppers and tenants on these plantations. They were
actually prisoners, almost chattel slaves. Almost three-quarters
of a century has passed since Emancipation. Has capitalism done
anything to abolish this new slavery?
.
On the contrary! The plantation country to this day is like
a prison, a veritable hell to which 5,000,000 Negroes have been
consigned without any prospect of immediate escape. In fact,
the slavery has even increased. In the cotton plantation area
of the South, twenty-five years ago, 80 per cent of all the Negro
farmers were croppers and tenants. But in 1930 their number
had grown to almost 84 per cent.
There are those who say that President Roosevelt and the
"New Deal" are changing this situation. But it is clear to every
Negro in the plantation country that Roosevelt has been helping
only the bigplanters. His policies have resulted in increased slavery.
When the crisis broke out in this country the large landowners in the South found themsel ws in a qu:m,-bry. Many of the
banks and credit merchants failed and those who remained refused to extend credit. Many of the small landowners, who lived
from hand to mouth, were wiped out. From the beginning of the
crisis to March, 1933, over a half-million forced sales and foreclosures took place in the Southern states.
Roosevelt came to the rescue of the large landowners by
. pumping tremendous funds into the South, most of which went
to the modern slave-master - the plantation owner. In nine
months alone the Farm Credit Administration advanced about
S300,000,000 directly to the planters. In this way, Roosevelt
helped to holster up the plantation, on which millions of Negroes
are enslaved. The Federal Government took over many of the
debts from private banks ::md insurance companies and is now
the biggest holder of mortgages in the South. This means that
it now has a direct hand in maintaining the plantation slavery,
that it is part owner, together with the big planter, of a vast
prison country.
The second step taken by Roosevelt was to increase the profits
of the large landowners and the commission merchants by reducing acreage in the South. In 1933, while millions of people
were in need of clothing, we were faced with the astounding
4
picture of ripe cotton being plowed under by poorly clothed fa~~
workers. The croppers and tenants never saw the money ~hie
they were supposed to receive from the Governme~t for this act
of destruction. The plantation master:;, the credit merchants,
the ba11kc-rs, got the government checks. Thi,- i,- what a ~overnment farm agent in Mississippi said:
"You know the government in Washi111-(t1Jn caused m,· a litt/e
trouble here 0Bv mfstake they mailed sumc of the rhecks
t:
out to 'niirg~r' cruppers. They proLaLly didn't know wh~1. t 1e~
were d(1ing when they did it. Imagine givin:; a check ~o j nc1fg':r
cropper! Of cour~e, I turned these checks nv~r to t
anb '( 5
anyhow. They'll have lo gel the croppers ,to endorse_,t em c ore
th<'y take tht'm to 1lie hank. llut that wont bP. hare!.
'"j'
h
Acrea~e was cur again in 1934 under t~e Bankh: a1 Bil\ It
is being cut again in 19:{5 as a result of a · democratic election
in which the plant:ilion owners forced the Negro croppers and
tenants to vote for reduction.
.
.
This is not only a lfocimation of crops; it is also a decunation
of hundrnds of thousands of human beings. Whole tenant f ~milies are being sf-'nt "dow11 the road" by the ~lante~s, or ~re be~ng
permitted to eke out a miserable existence m their cabms domg
forced labor for the government or the planter in return for S?I_'1e
crumbs called relief. These landless and workless far1? families
are beina "kept on hand" to be fo rced to work at plowmg, chop· ·
·
ping or "cotton picking
at staryall~n
wages. Wages on most plan.
tations are now between 25 and :>U cents a day. .
Roosevelt's policies have had the effect of mcreasmg the
slavery of millions of Negro toilers in the South. Cotton, the
need of millions of unclothed, a necessity of mankind, has been
turned into the mark of Negro slavery by capitalism.
The Promise of the City
It 1-eemPd to man\' people, especially durin~ the Wo~l d War
and the years immed.iately following, that city life and mdustry
would offer a means of escape from slavery 011 the land.
The city and its industry had been practically forbidden ter•
ritory for Negroes up to the World War. In the first place, the
plantation masters and government agencies of the Bla~k Belt
kept the Nearoes chained to the land and would not permit them
to leave. E:en when industry began to develop in the South, the
factory gates remained closed to Negro workers. Hope was
5
�dimmed when the textile industry, which grew so rapidly in the
South, made it clear that it would not hire Negroes. The place
of the- Negro, it was said, was on the plantation; their slave
labor Willi needed there. Even to this day, the textile mills do not
have any Negro workers at the machines.
But during the World War a great shortage of labor existed
in industry. Then only did the capitalists make an energetic drive
to obtain Negro labor.
Who does not remember the great hope of the exodus? It
was compared to the Emancipation Act. The South was the land
of the Pharaohs, the North "the Land of Promise". The Red Sea of
capitalism was opening up to permit the Negroes to pass. But
the exodus was already petering out in 1923. Employers bad
more labor than they needed. The Red Sea aKain flowed back
into its normal course.
Almost twenty years have gone by since the mass migration
ltarted. Years before, Negroes, in smaller numbers, had been
m gaged in industrial pursuits. Yet it is a well-known fact that
Negro workers have not been permitted to advance to the higherpaying jobs. They have been forced to the lowest status of all
industrial workers, to the unskilled, heavy-laboring jobs. Today,
no more than 10 per cent of all the Negro workers have held
skilled or semi-skilled jobs. It is not because they cannot be
skilled workers. Many of them are. It was a common occurrence
in the South, ~ven h:fore the _present crisis, to find graduates of
Tuskegee Institute, highly tramed mechanics and teachers work·
ing as bell-hoy~ . in the hotels. But capitalism has not gi~en the
same opportunities to the Negroes for advancement and training as it had given to white workers. The white workers, it is
true, are wage-slaves under capitalism. They must sell their
labo_r ~o an employer in order to live. They, also, are exploited.
But it 1s clear to everybody that the Negro wage-worker is exploited
even m~re. He is held back to the lowest level of the wage-workers, he Ill pushed back by capitalism every time be advances.
Under President Roosevelt's "New Deal" this state of affairs
has ~n officially recognized and given a legal status. The Industrial Codes have placed the official stamp of the Federal
Government upon the double standard. The differential wage
established by these Codes said in effect that the wages of Negro
workers must remain lower than those of white workers. One
6
example will show how this works. The Code for the lumber in·
dustry pla~ed the minimum wage for the North at 42½ cents
an hour, and for the South, where most of the lumber workers
are Negroes, at 24 cents an hour.
Now capitalism is trying to evict the Negro workers from industry for good. Today there is an army of at least 15,000,000
unemployed in the United States. Among the Negro workers unemployment is many times greater than among white workers. The
number of Negroes in families on relief increased from 2,117,000
in October, 1933, to 3,500,000 in January, 1935. In many place!!
even jobs which were always held by Negroes are being given to
white workers at the same or even lower wages.
Nor has the Negro fared any better in the professions. Here
again capitalism has held back with a heavy hand all efforts at
advancement. In the whole country there are only 6,781 Negro
physicians, lawyers and dentists. They_ also have_ been victims ~f
segregation and discrimination, suffermg from madequate fac_1lities in the way of training and practice, and excluded from white
institutions. Many of them are starving today. For a population
of 12,000,000 Negroes there are only 50,000 Negro teachers,
most of whom are not permitted to teach in white schools. The
yearly salary of most of these teacher!' does not exceed $300.
Push ahead in business, was another advice of Booker T.
Washington. One is even met with this advice on all sides today.
But even the development of a large Negro middle class has
proven to be impossible under capitalism. In the whole country
today, there are only about 25,000 retail stores operated by
Negro proprietors. Most of these are small, overnight, "peddler"
affairs. Why? Not because the Negro is not capable, but because
big business has the monopoly of commerce and trade. Segrega·
tion forces the Negro retailer to sell only in Negro neighborhoods.
He has a poor clientele. He has no chance against the chain
store. Today, many small business men are being wiped out.
A small, well-to-do class, however, has tleveloped among the
Negro people. The Negroes also have a millionaire or two. But
this class has developed only at the expense of the rest of the
Negro community. It gathers for itself a goodly share of the
profits arising from the exploitation of the Negro masses. It is
true that capitalism has not permitted the existence of any large
Negro-owned industrial enterprises. The white ruling class is
7
�~he direct exploiter of the Negro masses on the plantations and in
mdus!ry. But the Negro upper class has found a11other way to
exploit the Negro masses.
These were the words with h' h Th
.
omu:- Knicrht.
Jr., chief
.
·
W IC
0
prosecutor m the Srotbhoro C
f
I
d · th
d .
use, re errc, lo Hevwood Putterso11
ur!ng e secon tnal at Decatur, Alubamu.
.
These words express the
t
.
towards Ne roes wh' h
~on_ emptuous und msulting attitude
in his I ~ h' . JC capitalism hreuthm•. "Keep the Negro
S . I P ~ce :-t is Is the Watchword of the modern slave driver.
0 cia foshraci sm, persecution, segregation, insult have taken the
• 1
p ace o t e s1aveowner's p t
r
d
.
.
a erna ism un of Simon Legree's whip.
Th f
h"
d" . . .
e acts of J1m-Crowism I
11 k
• ync mg, 1scnmmallon are so
~enera y nown a nd are 80 deeply branded in the heart of the
egro masses that we need not go into detail here. Suffice it to
say that the rulers of this country, especially and most openly in
the South, have made the Negro a social outcast, have treated
him not like a human being hut like cattle. They have gone to
the greatest pains to brand the Negroes with the mark of non·
humans. On street cars, trains, in railroad stations and places
of amusement, on drinking fountains, the ruling class of the
South has broadcast to the world: "Only whites here-only
Negroes there!" In the North they do not use signs, but that
is the only difference.
There are written laws and there are unwritten laws. The
three most important written laws with regard to Negroes are
the 13th Hth and 15th Amendments to the Constitution of
' States. These are supposed to guarantee to .every
the United
Negro the full rights of citizenship and equality under the law.
But these are only decorations on the Constitution. Negroe:; are
not permitted to serve on juries in the South. A Negro voter in the
South is either an object of a lynching party or a highly privileged
character. Although such practices are supposed to he unconstitutional, has the Federal government, since the period immediately
after the Civil War, ever done anything about it? These written
laws are not enforced. But the written laws in 15 states segregating Nrgroes on public conveyances are very strictly enforced.
There is one unwritten law which is also very severely en·
forced. That is the law that lynchers of Negroes are not to he
punished.
What is the reason for this very severe persecution of the
Negro masses? It is not to he found in any "natural hatred"
of whites for Negroes. These acts of hatred and of persecution
are caused by capitalism.
First: The ruling class must use severe measures of oppression
and persecution in order to keep the Negro peon on the plantation, in order to maintain that special slavery of the South. The
capitalists also make use of the same measures to force the
Negro to take the lowest place in industry.
Second: The whole idea of the "superiority of the white race"
and the practices of Jim-Crow are used to effect a severe separation of the white masses from the Negroes. Race prejudice grew
out of the old chattel slave system. Then the slaveowners were
afraid of a union of the oppressed "poor whites" with the Negro
slaves. Capitalism has taken over this prejudice and uses it for
8
9
J_t makPs its profits l,y taking udvantag;c of St'"TP"atio11 and
O
the 1tlP·1s of "wh ·t ,
· · ·,, I
,.,






I C superronty •
f 0111! examiru;s a fist of the
we~lthwst 1'Pgroes he will find that many of 'them have made
their fortunes by specuht' er •
l
·
.
..
' mi:, Ill rca estate m the !:-cgregateJ sec·
ho~s 0 large cilles and by extnu:ting extremely hi"h rrnts from
the,r
lt·na11b . I Watt Terp·
. 1111·11':1<,r1,11rP;
.
1u h n
F N Ncgm
·t
· .,, tl11•· Nn•~ro
·"
a,,
Oscar
DePnPst,
etc.
)
Others
have
bu'lt
th
·
Ith
· I
·
.
·
r up
err wca
rn t If! co,-met1c busuwss bv commercializinor ti . · I . f " J ·1
J
" (M I
,
·
,.. 1r JC e,1 o w 11 e
ac nme .C. J. Walker
()>cauty
.
· , Mrs
'
· Ann·1c ;,)f . ·1· urn I,ee, A nl honv
\ erton, etc.). Still
others have ma<le
the1· r· wea Ith 1n
. th e 111. .
.
,
!;Urnnce _and hanking business, closely ronnt.'clf'c) with n•al estate
speculat10n
and
( Anthony Overton, ,,.
,-- ('" S pau t·<l'111;.:.
. A
I landlorJism
.
etc. I.
num H·r of Nc.,ro
l)hvsicians
·ind
.
.
.
h
0
l d
r · ·
'
mn11sters a\'e accum·
I
u ale small fortun,•s, nut in their pract1'ce hut .
·
I 1·
'
in reu estute.
Th ese
peop (' l\'P 011 the body of tho
t d N
·
T
.
" segrega c
egro com·
mun~ty. hey urc Ill fa\'ur of sep;regalion and oppose nil efforts
to ~·1pe out SCgrt•gntio11. for it would mPan rlestrnyi11<r th I . .•. r
their wealth.
"' e M:-ls 0
!
It is clear,
then, that C'Hpitalism has h1'nd~ d ti
.
"
f h N
·
·
,.re·
re «'.cu11om1c
proi:,rcss o t c i egro pcu•Jl~
With the
t'
f h
11
1
I
f
.

excep 1011 o t e sma
ayer o parasites, the Neµ:ro people are retarded h Id d wn
vushed down to the lowest le l 1'h' .
' e
o ,
·
7c:
f
. .
,ve ·
rs Is economic pro.,.r.css durlnl? · 1 years n cnp1tal1st freedom!
,.,
The "Stigma of Race"
"That thing over thrre ! ·•
�the same purpose. This will b ·1
d e c ear when one compares the
oppression of the N
earoes an of th F"I.
.
b
perialism The r·1· c-_
e 1 ipmos y American im1 ipmos are also

d
there is not as much
. d" .
an oppresse people. Yet
pinos as against Nerr:reJuT~e m the 1:Jnited States against Filiof ocean prevent tho oFe~·1· . e reason is that about 5,000 miles
e 1 1pmo masses fr
·
d .
struggles in immediate
t
.h
om carrymg on a1 1y
con act wit the Am ·
0
h
ot er hand, the whites and Near
. encan masses. n t 11e
contact in the United St t O r°es come mto daily and constant
or planter and engagi a ~s, 0 ten exploited by the same boss
needs. The ruling classngh m chommf on struggles for their daily
..
as t ere ore us"d
d
meth
Leods to keep them apart.
,. extreme an severe
t us now con~ider hr· n. d
.
The uhl"
h- .
ic } c ucat1011 and health
p ic sc ool system is su
d
b
.
should remember that th N
ppose to e open to all. We
f
e eO0 roes were
· · II
or starting a system of f
hr
prmc1pa y responsible
mediately after the Civ"I ~e P\h1c education in the South imp ublic school system in :Uan a~ : first superintendents of the
Toda th N
.
y out ern states were Negroes.
y, e egro is the outcast of th
bl.
One million Negro child
f h
e pu 1c school system.
·1
oe
·
h
ren
o
sc
ool
a II · More than a third f h N
' "' a re not m sc ool at
the fi rst grade and tho tf e hegro pupi.ls never get beyond
d
b
ourt s nev
f ourth . In many sectionsreeof the I
a va uce eyond the
open only fo r two or th
hp a nt~t1on country schools are
M
ree rnont s durmg the year
.
ore than half the population f . . .
the state spends only $5 45
° Mississippi is Negro. Yet
"ld
· a year fo r the d
·
f h
~ h I as compared with $45.34 for a
. e uca~wn o t e Negro
m Alabama it was $.i.'i7 , ·h.
'. white p upil. In one connty
Td
. p 1. r ~ ite ch ild and $ l.5l per N rr
o ay, many of the Ne"ro sch I
et'>ro.
0 0 s have been closed down
for lack of funds Ca it 1. .., .
p a ism is !'acrificing the education of millions of children~


r


The high disease and death rate
reveal the severity of capital ist <' Is_ an:iong the Negro peop le
instance, the death ra te f
bxp oitatr_on. In Milwaukee, fo r
· h ·
rum tu erculos1
N
e1g t times as great as amon.r whites. . s among egroes was
great as compared with N
k C ' m Harlem three times as
heart disease are twice
ew or
ity as a whole. Deaths from
as great among Ne
I n llf
i, anhattan, where the Ne roe
. groes as among whites.
the total population aim -~ s 7nst1tute only 12 per cent of
occurred among Neg;oes. os one- ourth of all infant deaths
y
10
This high death and disease rate is due to the hard exploitation of Negroes, to lack of hospitals and of care, to the crowding
of the segregated sections.
In view of these appalling facts, knowing all the bitter details of our daily existence, is there any reason why we should
permit capitalism to continue?
The Reformers and the "Race Criers"
There are still those who would have the Negro masses believe that capitalism can do better than it has in the past. These
people range from out-and-out reactionaries to those who cover
reactionary policies with radical drapings. Let us see what they
have to say as to the way out.
The Bootstrap Lifters
There are still many followers of Booker T. Washington today who would have us lift ourselves up by our bootstraps, when
many of us do not even have boots.
But we have already seen, from 75 years of experience, that
capitalism has permitted only very few to rise--at the expense
of the rest of the people. Today, when the crisis is denying millions even the barest necessities of life, only a quack or an outand-out reactionary can give such counsel.
But
kind of agitation is still very strong. Pick up almost
any Negro newspaper, listen to many of the "race leaders" and
you will be advised to help build Negro business. This will
solve all our problems, we are told. The executive secretary of
the National Negro Business League tells us : " Business points
the way to a breakdown of the barriers and handicaps which
retard Negro progress." He, and many others, call upon the
Negro masses to patronize Negro business, as the most effective
means to protect themselves against persecution.
How futile, how bankr upt is this advice! Everywhere the
capitalists are cutting down p roduction, have closed factor ies,
reduced cr ops. The big monopolies and trusts are getting greater
control of manufacturing and of the market. Small businessmen
ever ywhere are going b ankrupt. Even the largest Negro banks
and insurance companies, the pride of the followers of Washington, h ave crashed: the two largest Negr o banks, the Binga State
a nd the Douglass National; the "Capstone of Negrn business"
--the National Benefit Life Insurance Company of Washington.
this
11
�and others. The P. & H. Taxi Corporation of Harlt'm. t>mploying
750 workers, saw its last days during the crisis.
The capitalist road of advance is now out of the question.
The Negro upper class uses this argument in an attempt to win
the Negro market. It has nothing in common with the real in·
terests of the Negro masses.
The Ballot and the Drawing Room
In contrast to Booker T. Washington and his followers there
arose the group ~f middle-class reformers. They were not and
are not today entirely opposed to Washinoton's philosophy. We
have in mi?d ~specially the founders and ~resent-day leaders of
such orgamzatlons as the National Association for the Advance·
ment of .. Colored People and the Urban League.
We say t~ey are not entirely opposed to Washington and
the T?skegee idea for they only objected to Washington's counsel
that it would be extreme folly to agitate for social equality.
They, however, accepted the basic part of the bootstrap lifters'
-program; they ac~e~ted ~apitalism. On the basis of capitalism,
it seems to them, it is still possible to make economic headway.
!he N.A.A.C.P. began on a wave of resentment and anger
agamst Bo_oker T. Washington's betrayal of the fight for equality.
Beca_use, hke Washington, the N.A.A.C.P. accepted capitalism, ·it
rec~ived ~he suppert of members of the white ruling class who
behe_ved m Feform. The basic idea of the reformers is that it is
possible to change capitalism for the better, that within the limits
of the rresent system, by peaceful and gradual methods, it will
he possible to do away with the oppression 0 £ the Negro peoplt>.
But actual e~~nts have shown these people to be completely
~ro_ng. Conditions are actually growing much worse unrlt>r cap·
1tahsm.. The e~reme exploitation of the Negro workers ancl
~armers is not hem~ done away with; on the contrary, it is bt>in?
mcreased. Acts of v10lence against l'<it>grot>s ha,·e multiplit>d.
The methods of the N.A.A.C.P. have proved to be treacherous.
The leaders of the organization are afraid to arouse mass move·
ments. They prefer to meet representatives of the rulino class in
the drawing room and make compromises with them. T~o recent
cases show this plainly.
In the Crawford case, where the Negro defendant was charoed
with the murder of a white farm family in Virginia, the N.A.
A.C.P. made an agreement with the prosecution as a result of
12
which Crawford was sent to prison for lift>. It turned out t]iat
Dean Houston of Howard University, who acted as defense lawyer for the N.A.A.C.P., did not t>ven try to pro\'e the innocence ~f
Crawford althouoh there was plenty of evidence to show _this.

e
1tted
The case was carrit>d on quit>tly, no mass protest was perm

the sentence was not even appealed.
From the very bt>oinning of the famous Scottsboro Case the
N.A.A.C.P. attemptel to wrest the case from the hands of _the
mass defense movemt>nt. They waged a bitter s~ruggle a~a1: ~
the International Labor Defense and the Commumsts. Why·
cause they were afraid of the mass movement which had been
aroused. They wanted to have quiet sessions with the Alabama
lynchers, fix up the case behind the scenes. This would have
meant sacrificing the lives of some of the nine Scottsboro boys
and prisor, terms for the rest. The I.L.D., however, fought th:
Alabama n'Ch courts and mobs, made the case known aroun
the worla, roused millions of people. They fought not only for
the lives of the boys but also for the right of Negroes to serve
on juries in the South and other rights of Negroes. As a result
of this method of fighting, the lives of the boys have been
snatched from the electric chair four times.
One of the principal lessons to he gained fro~ the fi~ht f~r
the Scottsboro boys is this: It is possible to ohtam oertam vic·
tories from the ruling class, but not by cringiilg, Uncle ~om ~r
Judas methods. The only way such victories can be obtamed is
bv rousin<T and orn-anizincr the masses, by rt>fusing to accept sops.
· The r~former; have ~till another idea. They have a great
reverence for the ballot, they think it can produce wonders. The
leaders of the Socialist Party still cling to this old fairy-tale.
The workers, they say, can elect themsehes into power an~ then
peacefully bring about a change in capitalism. But what '.f thf"
capitalists refust> to abdicate? Tht>v reply: "Well see then:'
The miracle of the ballot! If the ballot can clo all they say
it can how are the Negroes going to use it when 4,000,000 Negroes, eligible to vote, are disfranchised _? W~t>ll two o~t of thre;
Negro eligible voters are not even permitted mto a votmg booth·
We say that Negroes must have this right to vote, as w~ll as
the other rights of citizenship. We must fight for these nghts.
We say that the workers and the oppressed masses should u~
the ballot, the right of free speech and assemhl y, to elect theu
13
�ow~ representatives, and create their own organi~tions. We fight
agamst every effort to take these rights away.
But at the same time we emphasize that capitalism cannot
be done away with by the ballot. We believe in using elections
and_ our re?re~ntatives in elected bodies to rally the people
a~~mst ~ap1tahsm. As long as capitalism permits the rights of
citizens~1p,_ the working class should use these rights against
the cap1tah~ts: ~ut anyone who tells you to depend upon the
ballot and c1v1_l n~ht~ for your dt>fen:-:f' is betraying you. for, as
has h:ippen~d m Gnmany, in Italy and in Austria, the capitalists
take these rights away, forbid the right of free press, free assem·
bla~e, free speech and the vote. And what then? Does not the
rulmg class in the United States more and more deny the rights
of citizenship to workers, have they not 1thyays denied these rights
to Negroee?
The "Race Criers": Black Patriotism
Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, former editor of The Crisis who recently
departed from the N.A.A.C.P., is today the clearest and foremost
~xpo~ent of Black Patriotism and race solidarity. We will exam·
ine his arguments one by one, for they are the most complete
and he!lt arguments for this point of view. We will then show
how ~angerou~ such ideas are to the strug~le for Negro freedom.
F,r3 t arg~ment: The Negro upper class, says Dr. DuBois. is
not an exploiter of Negro labor.
We have already shown that this is not true. It is rnrrect
that th~re are very few Negro manufacturers or large landowners
~ho hire labor and exploit Negro workers directly. But there
~8 ~ Negr~ uppn class which lives by means of segregation. It
1s 1~ the mterest of this class to defend seare ..ation or tlw \·erv
basis of _Negro business would be wiped ou;, On th: other hand,
segregation is the worst feature of the oppression of the Negro
massee. It is in the best interests of these masses to wipe out
segregation. The interests of the masses and of the Negro upper
cl ass cl~sh. In orde_r to obtain real equality, which means doing
away ~1th s~gregalton, it is necessary to fight not onl y against
the white rulmg c:la~s hut against the Negro upper class as well .
Furthermore. tl 1s clear that the interests of the Negro upper
class are the same as those of the white rulina class. Both
classes wish to maintain segregation, and with i~ the basi~ of
~egro oppression. This unity of interest is shown clearl v in'
14
.
action. On many occasions we have seen the so-called "respectable
leaders of the race" openly cooperating with the ruling class.
Second argument: The members of the Negro upper class,
says Dr. DuBois, "bear the brunt of color prejudice because they
express in word and work the aspirations of all black folk for
emancipation." He goes on to claim the Negro upper class as
the leader of the Negro people towards a new future.
We know that a class which lives from crumbs off the table
of American bia business of the Rockefellers and the Fords, which
0
'
accepts capitalism as the basis for its own existence, can not
lead a strenuous and militant struggle for Negro liberation. But
DuBois tries to dress this cringy warrior in shining armor, for
he fears another class. He fears the working class.
The workers as a class are the only consistently revolutionary
class in present..day society. If properly organized and led, th~
can stop the wheels of industry. They are like an army: big
industry has thrown the workers together, in large disciplined ·
masses. They organize in unions to fight for better conditions.
To win better conditions they must fight against the capitalists.
This struggle develops into a struggle against capitalism itself.
The workers are the only class with the power to overthrow
capitalism and build a new society. T hey lead the rest of the
exploited population to this goal.
It has been one of the most inspiring facts of recent history
in the United States, that the white workers have begun to overcome white prejudices and lead in the struggle for Negro rights.
This is in part due to the economic crisis. As they have lost
their jobs, as their conditions have grown steadily worse, they
have seen the necessity of uniting with their fellow black workers
aga inst the employers. But it is also because of the fight of the
Communists against prejudice and for working class solidarity
and Negro rights. In the last six years, since 1929, the following
high Iy significant events have occurred:
A share-croppers' union, under Communist leadership, has
been organized in Alabama and other Southern states, with a
membership, at the time of writing, of close to 10,000 members.
This is the first time that such a large and fighting union of
share-croppers has been ahle to exist, to lead struggles against the
plantation masters and to continue to grow.
The Communist Party has been organizing white and Negro
15
�workers in the South. As a result, the feeling for solidarity has
grown even in the American Federation of Labor Unions in ~e
South, as, for instance, in the United Mine Workers of America
in the Birmingham region.
Under the leadership of the Communists, a mighty stru.g~le
for Negro rights is being waged in the South. The outstanding
example of this is the Scottsboro Case.
In the North, largely as a result of Communist policy and
agitation, larger and larger numbers of Negro workers are pa~t·
icipating in the labor movement. There is a growing solidar~ty
of white and Negro workers in the fight for unemployment m·
surance ~d relief and in the struggles of the trade unions.
This movement of solidarity and of unity has also been joined
by Negro intellectuals, teachers, doctors and other professionals,
who have left the reformers and understood the need of a revo·
lutionary struggle against capitalism.
Dr. DuBois expresses the fear of the Negro upper class for
this movement. He is in favor of "race" solidarity and opposes
the solidarity of white and Negro labor, which he tries to prevent.
Third argument: He uses an old weapon of the white ruling
class. He tries to turn the anger and resentment of the Negro
masses not against the white capitalists and the Negro Uncle
Toms, hut against the white workers. The exploitation of the
Negro workers, in Dr. DuBois' own words, "comes not from the
black capitalistic class hut from the white capitalists and equaUy
from the white proletariat". He goes even further_, charging th~
white workers with causing the "lowest and most fatal degree
of the suffering of Negro labor.
The prejudice of the white workers, according to Dr. DuBois,
is inborn and cannot be changed. The white workers cannot be
trusted. They are the enemies of the Negro masses. To believe
Dr. DuBois means to give up all hope of liberation.
It cannot he denied that race prejudice exists among large
sections of the white workers. On many occasions, white workers
have participated in acts of discrimination against Negroes. But,
any sensible person will ask, what is the cawe of this prejudice?
Is it instinctive and unchangeable?
We have already seen that race prejudice arises like a stench
from the plantation system and from capitalist exploitation. We
have seen that capitalism has fostered this prejudice in order to
16
. .
.
f l ~ om mas,;es and prewnl the
mamtam the oppre,-~ 1011 0 . 1 H' ' r,.. B t . ha,·r also ,-c-en that
unity of the whitc- workers with I IJt'm.l lu \\ke und ..... the "hill·
.
f d . I t lC )aC ·<rrO
<.
this prejudice begms to a r 1.11 0 strll""le ~ obtain their nee<l!-.
workers unite with the Negrors 111 a
'""'
.
f re'udict'
Wh 0 .1re the real carnNs o P J
We ,;hould also ask :
'
.
• That "rction of

? A <l WC' mu'-t an!'\\f'f ·
·
m the labor movemPnt ·
n
·
k'lled the better·
,
. h · lu<lr'-' tlw more s 1
h
the labor movement w ic IIH'
·
b
· lNl bv the falsr
off sections of the workt-rs who hba,·c I et'rt1 m1l"·Hlrr;hi1> of thr
and temporary " pro!-prri't Y" 'and I :Y t ir . np £'.the workers ha d.
American Fedt'ration of Labor. T 115 ,-Pct10n ° 1 . ll bein" and
d ·.
f peqwtua \\e ~
het>n lull<'d lo slt·ep by the IP,un °] b.. n-"tli ·un Green, Mat·
.
,
t1ie treacherou,- promises
o f p l' ,"H'<'
·· · ma, f'
·' " •

under
.
I pon the com1itions
.
But prejudice <lepencls ,;o mur i uf h
ker'- influenced by
. we live,
.
which
th at even th'1" st>t:lion o t . r. wor
I
.- d the Ne"ro
.
I
I . .. · IT il'- att1tuc e tow,u s
" ,,
<l
the GrPl'll crow is a ,:o c l,lll,-lll,- ·
" · _1 r-11-. of labor
I
·
·
·
·
tint
the;;e
an:,. oc ' ·
·
f
worker,-. The reason or t ir,- i;- . .'

_
f the rconom1c
.
l
·
·
·t
'"
cl
0 ... ,t,on bec:au:-f' 0
l
11
are lo~, II;.{ l 1r1r pnvi ',..e
·
l
h.
out of emp oy·
. .
k')I d . k .... h·in· wPn t ,own
..
cns1~. \la11Y ~ · 1 e \\Or ei . '
. d their "f'n<' ral cond 1t1 11ns
menl. tlwir wages havP bf'f'I~ rcdf utc d{i 1~ in onlrr to liw.
on·r to f 1µ l . anizt•d work-ers,
are wor,:e.
iev, too, ·111 b' ' Ill"
r
. 1·1z1• t Iiat I IIt' gn'··1l nr--"
They beu in to rea
."· · o. u1101
I :g, · . ., in order

I:'
.
l
<T"\n!Zf'tl rnlo t le. Ulll 011 .
induclin" the \e .. ror~. mu;:l >c or,,,
I ... Proof
r
,..
.
I
ll · ck" ,,f thr emp O)e11;.
to defend th<·m,-dws a•Talll!-l lie 3 ' 1 · ·
. ·
.J strikes
"' f
1
.
,r.,an I zallon anu
of thi s is th<' ITreal wave o trac l ' unw11 ( "
i:•
19:Y'
which lwcran lo sweep the country m · .:>.
b k ··,rd ,ecti11n
"'
f .
I , 110'-'t ac ",
·
Thr Soutlwr11 workn;:. "l111 ,11111 llH I f.
•rwntions most
.
.01·k·111 -1-t ... , h l\t' 1r1·11 or gt · '
f
of the J\ nwrwan \\
/! < • • · • ' • • .
N! , · the cour:-r o
.
.
1
1
·11
..
.
111TJ
lld1n'.
'
O\\. 111
I
per,-1!"lc-nlh 111cu i.:at,·c 111 1 r.H'
.
l . . ti , ·u e dn-e ·
.
f
I
. ' ·t 1lw1r c,p n1lPrs If'~ ' .
a nrowi11g W,l\·c n strugµ ,, aµair,..
\I
ti .111 .111 yonc cl,:e,
~
1· 1 ·
.· 1 th, Ncu-rn 1111rkrr,-;. or<' 1• ' ·
I
opm~ !'O II anty II I 1 I 1
·o
.
. ,· I' 'l' alll!l<II" I 1ese
1111
we rcalizi• tl1e diffi("ull, of "'.IT'.'" f fill <,JU< ~;ul tlw {i~hl for
Tl
111 ,IIH \.
,..
wor k·ers.
H·,· Il,l\t' I'(· ' ·11 ft.d 1t .·,..IIIC't'
. I". I ,1 ·us illu!'lrat" thi~.
Lread an<l life is ,-tro11µer tl1:111 prt'Jllt II P . •,
f bout
.
.
f I S th thr rr wa,; a !-!r11up o a
In an ind11,-1nal c1lv o I If' • nu
('Ill lon·d nwhlcrs, who
a dozen \\ hill' worker,-. tllll~t of thr_111
t : ;nw v would mPet
Lecanw i11tc-rc·stl'il i11 tlw C'.1mn~u111!'-I.· h,1r '(~ ,1rn1u.11i,-t or<T,mizer.
ti ll• •..,,tu·1t11111
"rt a ,n
,
.
onr.e a ,,1·1· k lo <I,,cu,-;s
'
I , , r!'dr that 1t
.
.
I. .
, .·, I l ·e theY knew alH ,1~r
.
I· rom tht'ir own Hllf'r exp, i u t
·.
I \ "
workers 1n
111th t w · t>,...ro
was nr!"l'~!",ll"~ I(, ' ,,·g,t
, nize to!!;{'1hrr
, 1i
th<'w Woll. and their cohorts.
·r,
. .,
~:l
�==------ - - the same unions. For during the great railway shopmen's strike
in 1922 their union had been smashed by the employers simply
because the_union had refused admittance to the molder's helpers,
who were l\egroes. When the strike broke cut. man v of the Negro
workers saw no reason for helping the white wo~kers who had
refused to admit them into the union and fi. (Yht for their demands.
The result was that the employers now plu~ed the Neo-ro helpers
in the molder's jobs, at lower wao-es of course and broke both
0
the strike and the union.
'
But these white molders in their discussions with the Com·
munist organizer, objected to social equality. One conversation
ran somewhat as follows:
White worker: I don't like Negroes, and I don't see why I
.s hould sit beside one at a meeting or 0 11 a street car.
Communist: Now you agree that white and Neo-ro workers
shoul~ orga~ize together ~n the same union . Lt>t us i~agine that
there 1s a stnke. There will he a strike committee. On this strike
committee there will be both white and Neo-ro workers for es·
peciall ~ in time of struggle we mu~t keep our ~ a nks united'. !"trong.
. White worker : That's right. We'll have to keep our picket
Imes strong, and slop any white or Negro scabs.
Communist: It will he necessary for this strike committee to
meet almost continually. You will not be a ble to meet in a public
ha ll, for thugs and the poli<.:e ma)' be aftl'r you. and you cannot
afford to ha ve the leadership of the strike put out of commission.
You m~y have to meet in your own house, perhaps.
W htte worker: Yes, if there is no other way out.
Communist : Your home is small. You will have to use your
largest room, the parlor. You will have Negroes in your p arlor,
for you cannot Pxclude Negroes fro m the strike committee meet·
ing. The str ikr is the_ most important th ing. This strike ma y be
a very hard one. Durmg the most crucial time, it may be neces~ary lo mee~ late into the night, a nd go into action again earl y
m the mormng. Some of the Negro members of the Com mittPe
may live in the opposite end of town. They cannot go home. They
may have to stay over. Wou ld you deny them the hosp ita lity of
your home? Social eq uality, you see, becomes a necessity of the
strike, of the class struggle. If you do not practice thi~ social
equality, you will lost> the ;;upport of the Negro worker;; an d
thP strike will be lost.
18
The white workers were a little taken aback. They thought
it was driving things a little too far, although they could ~ot
deny the logic of this argument. When in the local ele~hon
campaign the Communist Party ran a Negro worker. as candidate
for Mayor, these white molders refused to mee~ with the Communist organizer. But their attitude changed qmckly enough.
Shortly after, the city cut down on relief. The Unemployment
Council and the Communist Party called for a demonstratrnn of
protest. Fully five thousand workers, both whites
Ne~roes,
responded. But the police broke up the demonstration immediately beating uo one of the speakers and arresting three. The

. to t he Unemp Ioyment
workers' wera incensed.
Large numbers came
Council hall which could seat no more than 100 persons. On !11e
long wooden benches were seated white and Negro workers s~de
by side talking excitedly about their experiences, and cursmg
. common
'
. and the city
· a dm'm1stra
·
f10n. And
m
terms the police
talking just as excitedly with a group of Negro workers were
some of these white molders whom it had been so hard to con·
vince. The actual facts of life, their common experienoes with
the Negro workers, had brought them together.
·
· 1s
· h m"lt· P reJ·udice
This is the way workmg
class so I'd
I anty
may remam but it becomes less important, is superseded by the
needs of the' daily struggle. The white workers will overcome _the
hindrance of prejudice, because they must do so in order to l~ve.
Now, Dr. DuBois, in rousing the enmity of ~~ Negroe~ ag~m.~t
the white workers, as do other upholders of race sohd~nty ,
helps to prevent this unity. He takes advantage of the distruSt
of whites which has been imbedded in the hearts of the Negroes
by long years of oppression. He fans and builds this distrust.
The conclusion: And what is the solution proposed by Dr.
DuBois?
·
I
"The only thing that we not only can, hut must do, 1s vo untarily and insistently to organize our economic and social power,
no malter how much segregation is involved."
Now if this is not an outspoken defense and support of segregation we do not know what is. Negro salva ....:-::.i is to come-·
through ' segregation, the watchword of th e parasites
among the
Negro people!
We have not much 10 add about the new Garveyites, about
the movement led by the "Black Hitler" Sufi, the exponents of
an?
19
�the 49th State and other similar race movements. They are all
based_ on the same ideas expressed so well by Dr. DuBois. Whether it be a return to Africa or the creation of a 49th state for
Negroes o: some other such Utopian, unrealizeable schemes,
the~e provide no way out for the Negro masses. These plans
a 7sume suppo1rt and cooperation of t~e white ruling class. They
~1stra~t the_ N_egro masses from effechve struggle against American 1mpena~1sm. T~ey lead deeper into the dangerous net of
r~ce segregahon, which satisfies only the present interests of the
Negro upper class and the ruling class of the country.
These movem~nts towards race segregation have recently had
a ~ew lease on life. They have grown as a result of the crisis
which has ru~ned many Negro middle class people, who are desper~tely seekmg a way out. The increased persecution and terror
agamst the Negroes has fanned this movement. Many participate
because they honestly believe that this is the way out.
. Among 1;he new movements of this character are those which
aim to obtam
"1' ob
.
. s f or Negroes" . Among these are the Costini
movement m Baltimore. the Negro Alliance in Washinaton D.C.,
an~ the 143.215.248.55 moveme11t in Harlem. These movemen~s ;onfine
their_ ~cllv1lles to individual establishments in the Negro communities. So small and few are these business houses, that it is
clear
that they could onlv, provide a 1·1m1"ted num b er o f JO
· b s f or
N
1 egro workers and would in no way help solve the problem of
mass_ une:nployment. These movements, then, have the effect
of hmdenng the struagl
·
o e f or unemp Ioyment insurance
for all
workers and for adequate r el'1ef . They sh unt this
· struggle mto
·
a closed alley.
. But juSt as dangerous to the real interests of the Nearo masses
1s the
· strength enmg
·
':
. effect , of this movem en t m
separation
of the
wlute and N:gro workers. For the leaders advocate the replacem~nt of white ~orkers employed in Negro neighborhoods. In
this_ way they. d1rect the resentment of the Negro workers not
rtgamst t~e rulmg class but against the white workers. Instead we
should duect all our efforts towards the organization of the Negro
wo_rkers together with the white, the opening of the doors of all
um?ns to Negr~es, equal opportunities for jobs in white as well
as m Negro ne1.ghborhoods, and to obtaining adequate insurance
for the unemployed from the Federal Government.
Another movement especially dangerous at this time is the
20
Pacific Movement of the Eastern World, which has as its main
slogan: "United Front of Darker Races tnder Leader~hip of
Japan." The agents of the Japanese ruling class have organized
and sponsored this movement in the Cnited States. Their p~rpo~e
is to try to create difficulties for the ruling class of Amcnca ill
case of a war between Japan and the United Stales. Such a w:•r
is n11w very possihle-a war between two brigands for the spoil!!
and riches of the East. But the Japanese ruling class is no mort>
a friend of the Negro than is the ruling class of the l_;nited States.
The Japanese capitalists have not hesitated to subdue and rule
Korea with an iron hand although the Koreans art' a colored
people. They have made all haste to grab Manchuria and other
sections of Northern China. They carry on a rrlentless w~r
against the Chinese people. They are now intriguing even 111
Africa and ar1\ penetrating the Philippine hlands with the purpose of seizing territory there ali;;o. At tlw same time, the lap·
ane;.e rulino-r class is carryina
on the mo1et ruthlt•ss kind of ter·
,.,
ror against _he toiling masses of Japan, suppressing tracle union:and peasants' organizations, ~mashing str-ikes, etc.
In this strucrale between the J. ap,rncse and Arnerican ruling
""'
.
class for the division
of the East and for the right to exp Iotl
additional masses of toilers, we side with neither. We wish for
the defeat both of the Japanese and of the Amt'rican ruling class.
We wish to see then, both o,·erthrown; capitali,-m in ]dpan as ":ell
as in the United States destroyed. Our task is to fight agmn~t
American imperialism, ju:' t as the task of the Japanese workt·rs 15
to struggle against Japanese imperialism.
Japanese capitalism is now one of the principal enemi~s of
the Soviet Union. It is seizing additional territory in North
China in ord r to be better prepared for a war against the So·
\'iet l!nion. Japanese statesmen freely admit this. Japanese
Lrnops an conc1:P'rate<l on the Soviet borders.
The Soviet l:1iio11 is different from all the other countries
in the world. There capitalism has. alrP,ady b:en overthrow·~'.
the workers and farmers rule; machmcs. foctones, banks, rat
roads and land ar<> in the hands of the toilers. Colored peoples
of all races }iye in the territory of the :,o\'icl l.'nion. The~
1wuplPs enj oy the fullest et\ualit\' and frpcdom. Any act or exprr,a!-inn nf race prejudice 1~ r.onsiclcred a crime. Thei;;e facts
ha\'t' !wen fully confirmed by sue.:-, pt'ople a!' Paul Robe;;.on and
21
�other prominent Negroes who have either visited or who live and
work in the Sovirt l :nio n. Robinson. a Negro mechanic, i!' a
member of thP :\1oscow SoviPL th<> chiPf o-overnmental bodv of the
capital of the Soviet Union. The S1)\'iet o-~vernment has re~ouncr cl
all t_he specia l pri\·ilrges formerly held by the Tsar in China.
Persia, Turkey and o thn Ea$lern countries.
And yet the _agent~ of JapanP!"e capitalism are spread in~ the
lie that the Sonet Un10n 1s one of those "white nation!"" whi ch
seeks to dominate the col o red proples of the world!
From Dr. DuBois throug h the new editions of Gar\'n and
tht' intrig ur.s of J aparw,-e rapitalisb there runs a common streak:
race loya lty,· race solidarity, race patriotism! Will these so lve
thf' problem of th_r. Ne~ro people? For a reply one need only
ask: Has S<'gregat1on solved this problem? Is it not true that
segrr.gation is the prohl r.m, the ve rv thino which has to be wiped
out? And th~sr $avior;o propn!-1' · to he~p still more and e1·er
more segregation upon u;. !
The Threat of Fascism
of th,• lead in!! fa1ci~t journals in Germ1\uy say~:
In each NPgro, en~11 in one of thr. kindest disp11sition is
the latt>nt brutr and thr prilllitive man who can be ta med nr itlwr
~y r.e 11 turit•s of !"la vc ry nor by a n e xterna l varni;;h of civiliza tion. All ~s,-i~i lation, a ll ed ucati on is bound to fail on accc,unt
of the racial inborn fea ture:; of the blood. One can therefo r«"
undrrstand wll\' in the Soutl
l
[ f 11

.
_ ..
.
1crn $ a tes o .·, men ca] sheer nt'CT"·
si~y compe ls the white _r;i.ce to act in an abhorrent, and perh,1p,e\rn c ruel m,11111L·r a"'am"l the Nc"roes A J f
f
c•
o
.
111 , o eo urse, mosl u
h N
t e 1 «"~roes ~hat ar: IvnchPd do not meri I all\- r t>!!re t."
Spokenhke a _Kleagle of ~hP Ku Klux Kiani This expres.S'eS
the thrrat of fa scism to the J\e,.ro <11 ou) ) ·1
t h L' · .1
.
o
~
c I cnme o t e •n ll t:11
Stairs. 1 he co un trv. wou ld br.· nnt- rl u m a· m
· o f th r '-Upe r- K K K .
1'he 1N'e<> ro would be the ,-11· •f ·· ·
f f
· - ·
· :
r
~ 1,
\ 1ct1m u
a,;c1:::t per;;ecul1011
·
and murder. Lvnchin
1 spar t o f tne
1.
·.
"'o- would bPcome the n a 11ona
f .
asc1st mercrnanes. Already tht- budclino- fa'-cJ·'-t
· 1·
·
.
o
- - orgamza 1011~ m
th .
into their
is country have
t,
. wnttrn the dci:tradation of the Neoro
prowam as t I1cir most sacrrd princip lr.
F_a:<=ism is rapidly growing in the l:nited States toda,. As
cond1t1ons grow worse, as the masses of people become · more
and more dissatisfied and st>ek a way out of the misen· impc,1-ed
~ Ill'
22
.
by capitalism, the capitalists turn to th e road qf fascism. It i~
the last line of trenches for capitalism before the onru:;h of the
·
re \•olutionary army. When fascism comes rnto
power, a·:s wr ;,ee
in the fascist countries of Europe, the last liberties are taken
away from the masses. The trade unions and all independent
organizations of the masses are smashed; only governm~nt or
co~pany unions and fascist organizati ons are permitted. An
open dictatorship of the capitalists rules the country. One can
well imag ine what the lot of the Negro people would be u nd e r
s uch a dictatorship.
Under President Roosevelt, the road is being pa\·ed for fa~cisrn. With the help of the N.R.A. labor boards, the attempt I!!
heing made to force the workers into company unions, to abrogate the right to strike, or to place the unions entire ly under
government control. More and more power has been concentrated
into the hands of the President who turns more directly to the
hiuh financial moguls of Wall Street for his orders. There are
ra;id preparation~ for war and increased propaganda of nationalism and patriotism.
But the President a nd his aides carry out these policies under
cover of man y phrases and promises a bout helping the people.
The people are radica l-minded ; Roosevelt, therefore, uses some
radical phrases. This al so i!" a method of the fascists, who have
made demagogy a supreme art. He talks about .chasing the
1111111ry-dianµ;ers from tht> lt'mple , but aicls big business.
But there are othr.rs with their ears close to the ground who
· the use o f anti-cap1
·
·1a ISt Iango even further tha n Roosevelt m
g uag<'. Thest> are the budding fascist leaders, like Father ~oughlin, ·W illiam R. Hearst and Huey Long. Father Coug~~m an~
Huey Long are clever men who talk about the inequalities an
injuMict>s of cap italism and because of this get a ready response
from m any people who do not yet understand how to do away
with these injustices. Hearst throughout his whole life h~s ~een
a \·irio us enemy of the workers and a loyal defender of cap1tahs;Hc realizes th;,t thr. Coug:hlin and Long methods are today t e
· to pro 1ong t h e 1·f
·sm · He therebest 1\ a\" 01• trnng
1 e o f capi·tal 1
.
f
fore supports thcr~ and offers them the services of his cham 0
anti -labor newspapers. But it wa,; with language s~ch as these
men use that Hitler built his fascist storm troops m Germany.
Hitler obtained his funds from the biggest industrialists and finan-
r
23
�cier>- of Germany, just as C't'rtnin bi!! liankers in the tnitecl
States are today beginning to suppo;t budding fascists in the
l :nited States. Hitler also talked about limiting fortunes, doing
away with unemployment, re-dividing wealth. et~. But these only
remained empty promises after he came into power.
That Huey Long, a representative of the plantation masters 01
the South, that Father Coughlin, linked to Wall Street through the
Committee for the Nation, that Hearst, the kina of anti-labor and
anti-Negro propagandists, should have to talk ~"ainst ouManding
evil~ of_ cap!talism in order to save it shows on: i,nportant thing.
~ap1t~lt~m is on the brink of destruction. People nu longer believe m 1t. The turning point in history has come.
The mas!:ies of Negro people certainly have no desire to see
the rresent system of society in the United States continue. It
has meant more suffering and slavery for them than for any
other section of the population. What are the important chano-es
which have to he made? How can they be made?
"
II. THE NEGRO AND REVOLUTION
Two Revolutions in One
.
The pro~lem of Negr_o liberation has two aspects. The first
the question of equality, Here we ask: what must be done
to re~ove the basis of _the special persecution and oppression of
t~e Negro people, to wipe out lynching, segregation, sucial ostra·
c1sm as well as extra-exploitat_ion on the land and in industrv?
The sec_ond is common to all w~rkers and exploited, whether
they be white or Negro. Here we ask: what must be done to wipe
out wage-slavery, unemp loyment , pO\·erty, crises and war?
. These quest10ns are not entirely separate, but are connected
with each other. We s~all first consider each separately and
then show how the solulton for the first flows into the solution
for the second.
JS
The Rebellion of an Oppressed Nation
Th~ special oppress.ion of the Negro people in the United
States 1s due to the firmly _rooted remainders of chattel slavery.
Every one know:s. that while chattel slavery was abolished as
a result of the Civil War, freedom-such as even the white workers have under capitalism-did not take its place. Elements of
the old chattel slave system remain 10 this very day.
24


\


~
These remainders of chattel sla,·ery can be <liviJed into t_he
economic and the social. The most important economic r~ma 1'.1•
den; of sla\'ery are the plantation system and share-cropp_ing Jll
the South, which we have already described. But t~1e exi~te'.•;~
of these in the South not onlv enslaves the Negroes m the Bia
Belt, but drags do, ,1 the '.\egro population throughout the country. It al:,.o affects the white population in the South. There an'
many white sharP-croppt'rs whose conditions are only little bt'ttf'r
than those of the Negroes. They will not be freed from _the lef~overs of the chattel-sla\'e svstem unless the Negroes are hberatf' ·
The most important s~cial heritage of the chattel-slave system is the idea of •·white superiority" and race prejudice. 1:hese
ideas were not wiped out becaµse chattel slavery was not entirely
wiped out. Alexander Stephens, the vice-president of the Co~d ·' on this
f ederacv. said that the cornerstone of th e S out h reste
up .
great physical, philosophical and moral truth that ~he _Neg::
is not eq ual to thf' white man, that slavery-subordmatJon
d' · " That
the superior race--is his natural and norma I con itJon.
remains the philosophy of the ruling class of the South tod~yTo fully realize how much of chattel slavery still remains
in the South one has onlv to know that the largest mass of Negroes
still live in the territor; of the old ~lave plantations. The plan·
tations have remained 'and have imprisoned a large portion of
the Negro population. On this territory-the Bla~k Belt~th e
Negroe!' are in the majority of the populati~n. ) et precisely
here is the centPr of the enslavement of the J\,egro pe_opl~- . 11
.
Jt WI
As long as tht' plantations an d ;.hare-uopprnp;~ ren~am,
he impossible for !\iegroes to obtain equality. For Ill order to
riae above the plantation !eve!. it Is fir!'t m~ces!'-ary to remo~e th ~
plantation and didde the land among the tillers of the soil.
This can only be rlone by the organized power o~ the mas!SeS
of Pxpl oitf'd share-croppers and farmers on tht' land._ ~uch a complt>te tran~fonm1ti on. howe, er. 11·i II not come o,·rrn11?"ht and can
be succe!'sful onlv as thr result of organiwtion. preparation and
proper leadership. Tlw rapid ~rowth of the Share-Croppers
Union of Alabama and of the Te1,ants' Union of Arkansas shows
that the situation i!' ripe for rapicl organization.
This land revolution will also be joined by the hundreds of
thousands of white share-croppers and poor farmers who ha~e
suffered from the plantation and credit system. They, too, will
2.S
�the neGessity of throwing the large landowne rs off their back:!,
escaping from the t.yranny of the credit masters and the usun·rs,
and of giving land to the landless.
Seventy-five years ago, the North went to war i11 orJer to
destroy the power of the slaveowners. That. too, was a re rnlution. But it was not "finished. Our task is to finish it.
But the revolution will not stop with the seiiure of the land.
That will just he the beginning of a complete, really basic change
in the homeland of lynch terror. For just consider where this
land revolution will take place: precisely in the plantation
country, where the l\egroes are today the most oppressed ~ction
of the population and wlwre they form the majority of tht~ population. Let us imagine such a revolution taking place in the
Mississippi River Delta. Here there are huge plantations. In ~ome
counties the Negroes are as high as 90 and 95 per cent uf the
total population; throughout this area they are not less than
60 per cent. With the power of the plantation owners destroyed,
a new kind of government will he set up by the farmers and the
"orkers in this territory. For the first time Negroes and op·
pn·ssed "poor'" whites will really enjoy democracy. The Negroes
"·ill play the leading role both in the land revolution and in the
rww revolutionary governments.
The same will occur throughout the plantation area-from
southea!'lern Virginia, down through the Carolina,- ,and central
Ceorgia, a<.:ro!',- Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, rcachin~ even
into Arkansa~ and parts of Tennessee and Texas. Now will be
1ho opportunit~ to reall y e~tablish the basis of Negro £rcedu111.
This land, on which the 1\egroes h ave been e nslaved for genera·
tiomi, can then Le made into a free land. It can he proclaimed
as a new country, in which the land has been freed from thr exploiters, where the majority-the l\egro people-rule with the
cooperation of the white :nasses in the territory.
The white mas~s on the land will support this new govern_n ient for it will mean that their right to land is also recognized,
that for the fir~t time they, loo, will have the benefits of free
f>Ublic school 1•«lucatio11, frt>edom from usury, etc. The old South
"'·ill no longn remain . The :\egrncs will come into their own.
The real test of freedom for the Negro people in the Black
Belt lies in their right to self-determination. Unless they can
chose freely fur themselves what the relationship of this new
11ee
26
.
S
h le they will not
government will he to the Umted tales as a w O ,

.
· power in Washmgton
h e free. If the capitalists are st1·11 m
h h "'e
·11
d try to crus t e recan rest assured that t h ey w1 oppose an
d
f l
hellion of the I\e"ru people. The Negro people nee pfowefr u
.
c,
d
d f d th . revolution or ree·
a 11 1es to carry throu"h an to e en
is
.
l .
h
o
ll . th workmg c ass, t e
dom. They will have such an a Y 111
e
.
f h
d secllons o t e
leading force in the struggle,; o f a 11 oppresse
1 . t"
population of the United States ,1gain,-t capitaliSt · exp tta 1~·
\\·e must now conside r tlw rt·1·1ilutio11 which will ta e P a<e


°


throul!hout the country .
The Proletarian Revolution
.
·
The United States
Capitalism is aivin° birth lo rern1ution.
. .
l . .
o
o
.
I .
. n · . "l Bnt1sh l onun,1was f rcatr.d a~ the result ol a n•y,, ut1 on a'°a lll- .
.
h
.
.
1
I 1· . •volut1on ao-,unst
t e
0
t1on. It stren,,.thenc<l 1tself as I 1c res u t o H re .
n
.
. 1·
. cl C3)' lll 0n lt can 11 0

slaveowners in 1861. Now capita 1,;m J!" e
I .
lonner supply the needs of life t o those who produce. f t 1: ;'.1
o
. .
.. .
-w s)·stem O soc1e ~.
outworn system. It mu::-t " Ive v.a) lo a ne
.
. "'
k
l ce which can come
A complete trausf urmat1on must t::i. e P a ,
nnh· as the result of a social re\·ol utwn.
d
. .
·
L
d
1 · order tu u a\, a~
\Vhat basic change must e pro uccl m . · .
._ b " 0
.
I
, ·) C·ip1tali~m 1,, a_e
with wa o-e-sla,·erv. unemp nym ent. \\ iH ·
'
.
. l d



,




..
.
,f
h"
f· torie!I ra1}rc>cll1::o, an
upo11 the private 01, 111'r,;h1p o mac mes, .ic
,
.
_
.
'fh
n'- nf product inn a1 e
and a ll ntlier means of productw n.
e men .
·
I
· 1· ·t" The <crcate51 pnu·
in the han ds of a small class, tie capita i:, - ·


, c. ·


\l ' llions
1
·
·

·
t
·c1
Jerty
and
pwut.
·
1
<:1ples of capita 1,;111 are pn,·a e P
• •.
f l'f
B t thesr
I
of workers produce to!!elher the 11eccss1t1es O
e.
u l. .
..
.
. f I " vho own the mac unei;,
neccss1t1es bi>come the proper!~ 0 110 -e '
.
mone , with
the land. etc.. while the workers do not h a,e th e
ff ) C ].
·
C .
.. of people su er. 0
which to buy thrm.
n ;;es occu r, masSt.::, .
f
fit.
. 1·1s I po,\.e r "· m a race or pro on ies arc seized
bY Ihe 1:ap1tn
and b ooty Capital'i:-m (Yivcs birth to war.
.
f
Onlv o~1e thin!! can <lo away wi th the ha~is for the ex 1hs tence o
. .
,
. .
f h
. ·1 J' st" Take t e means
capitalism : the expropnallon o I <' cap1 a J • - · l l d
f the
s o
l em, Pl ace theni 111 t 1e 1an
of production awaY f rom 11
h
d of
workers who will .produce, not for profit, hut f~r t eh_~eeh~noe
· m
· a. pos1' tion to hnn"
c " hv
csociety. The working c Iai;s is
d o t '"c,rted
about. It alone, by its own org~mzed eff orlt~ a;nd
chang~,
the rest of the oppressed population, can rea Y . h Y • • •
h' h
r. This C anue IS Ill
transform the system under w JC we I\~- b
, itali«°m itself.
evitable. The workers are dri\'rn towards 11 Y cap
-
~~!f
27
�But an attempt to brino- ab t
h b .
rnedialt>l ,. meet th"
? . ou sue a as1c change would im'
oppos1t10n
of
the
c api't a 1·i:,,ts
. an d tI1eir
. :,tale
~
.
owE>r Th" · ..:t
P
·
b J ate power consistc;
t
l Of h
.
ernment but of th
h - no on Y
t e bodws of 0uov'
e army, t e police th
Pxpropriate the cap1'tal1' st·~ th e wor k·e rs, fi. e t courts.
InJ' order to
d
existina o-ovE>niiii~iit m 1 .
d
rs nee to 1sca rd the
ot->
,
ae1:11eryan t - · ·
·
/!11,·e rnme11t. Sud1 a r~·.- l t'
o rnsl1tute a workmg class
.
~·o u ion was '-Ul'l'e ·sf 11
. d h
h
· 191-,
111 Ruc.-.iJ 1
d
h l
· · · · s- u Y• carne t rouo-0
, .un er t e ea cl ers h ip
--.. . . 11 I
o1 the Communist Party.
Th
S h .
.
15 1::- t ie basi c char ,
from wa.re-slaver)· ·111d fige. uc a r_evolut1on frees the work&s
..,
'
rom opprC'sc.10n b th
. 1·
worker,; are in powe r Th
. k ,·
Y e capita 1sts. The
.
·
c "or er" OO'ovr.r
t
effort of the ('" Jn ·it ·il ·, .· . t
· ·h
· nmen
suppresses every

' r ' ~.,,. o restore t e old " t
U
.
workers rrovernmt'lll ·h' h
--YS em. nder this new
c• ..., I C
cru·uanlee th
'd
d
the masses the bui!J'
fc- . . . s e w1 est emocracy for
111 /!." o socialism beo-·
.
'
0 I h
. .
possible to have --ocia I l
.
oms.
n Y t en 1s 1t
masses. lo abolish ~nf'm iio an~mg to fill_ the needs of all the
But .
d
I ) mt nt, to abolish war for profit
m or er to accomp lish th
I •
.
tlw workers neecJ th . .
feh revo ut1on and to def Pnd it
t ::, upport o
t e O th
I . d
the population Whi'l, th
k
er exp oite !'f'ctions of
·
< <' wor ·prs ar ·
· ·
and lead such a rc\·nlution th
e m a ~os1t10n to organize
selves. They ha vP all.
. . hey cannot ~arry it through by them1. The m . f ies m t, e population. These allies are:
as::, o µoor and sm ·d I f·
h
by big busine,-,-, the true. "
,
,1r~ers, w o are oppressed
th<' middle cla---- in th . L: ~he monopolies and the bankers; also
t' c 1t1e~, c.uc li as th t h . .
h
.
..
fess1onals c.mall bu· . ·
e PC mc1cms, t e pro.
., ·
~111c~:-men et
-h
.
italism and who have t'
ti: c., ..., _o art' suffering from cap·
2 Th
\ E'r~ 1111 i! to ~nm under socialism
·
e oppn-',-,-pd :\P~ro pPople.
·
. ~- ~he oppre,;~Pd 1woµ les of th 1\
.·.
.
Phil1ppme Island-. r 1 ·
l
~ thmri 1cm
colo111es-the
'
. • \. U ,a, l'tc- ·in< of ~
dC
who are undn the dumin · t· ·· ' f h · ou_ an
entrnl America
Among the
.
a ion " t_ l' capitali st,- of thP l '.S.
most ,.mportant al h es 1if· I
k.
• t ze u:or ·mg class is the
Negro peoplP. ;,, the , _, -, d S
.
··
(. m e
tares Th 1._ f t d
·
tht' 1 .
f ·
- ac etermmes the re1atrn11 hetwef'n
\\n aspectc. o tlw . . I ·
.
.
oµi11 :l· i11 thi~ countn·
·
lt'\o utiun wl11ch is devel-
The Combination of Two Revolutions
The rl'rnlutio11 for L11cl an<l frt'ed
.
prolet~rian rernlutiou in tlw countn o~n _m the :,ou!.h and the
hand -in hanJ E·irl
·11 1 _)
. s a v,hole will J ew lup
.
. .·
. ' 1 w1
Pnn ~trl' ll)/."th ;ind
h
1 he wo1k111g da;;~- - both \d 1i· tu' ,·111<1 "\l')!ru --will
support
t e other.
lt'adtolwth.
28
How does it come about that the white workers not only will,
but must lend their support to the struggle for Negro liberation?
First of all , because the workers will not be able to overthrow capitalism unless they have the help of the Negro people.
This is why we say that it is inevitable that the white workers,
even the Southern white workers, fight for Negro freedom and
s_upport the struggle of the Negro people. They will do so
necause it is necessary for their own victory.
The Southern white workers especially will ; upport the Negroes in their struggle. For in the South the power of the landlords and capitalists is threatened most of all in the Black Belt.
Here the class struggle is very sharp. This is the weakest front
of capitalism. Just imagine what consternation will seize hold
of the ruling class of the country when the struggle in the plan·
tation country reaches the stage of revolution! The revolution
which breaks out here micrht indeed be thE' spark for the proletarian revolution through0out the country. The white workers
will understand that the struggle of the Negro people for freedom weakens the power of their own oppressors, the capitalists.
Between the proletarian revolution and the revolution of
the Negro people for land and freedom there is a living link.
This is the working class. It is among the workers that solidarity
first develops and is the strongest. In the cities and towns of the
~outh and in the big industrial centers of the North this solidaritv between white and Negro l abor is forged. Here reposes the
le..idership of the two aspects of the revolution .
But there also must be present a conscious organized group
.)f workers, which realizes the necessity of revolution and which
the masses in their daily· struo-o-les
towards this end. This
lea<ls
,
00
l
1s the role of the Communist Party. Communists do not on Y
talk about the future revolution , but are active fighters for the
daily interests of the masses. In unions and other working class
organizations, in strikes, in demonstrations, in elections, we
Communists endeavor, while playing a leading part in the strug·
gles of the masses, to convince them of the correct, revolutionary
way out. And one of our principal lines of activity has always
been to develop now the solidarity of the white workers and
Negro masses, to build this alliance in our daily life and struggles, to assure the combination of the two a!:'pects of th1i1 American revolution.
29
�In. building this class solidarity there is a division of labor,
but wit~ a common aim, between the white and Negro workers.
The "'.hi~e worke~s must realize that the main responsibility for
estabhshmg working class unity rests upon their shoulders. They
mu~t lead the fight against race prejudice in the ranks of the
white masses. They must remember that for centuries the Nearo
people have ~een oppres~ed by white nations. Among the Ne;ro
masses there _1s ~ deep distrust of all whites. The plantation sys-'
tern and capitalism have created this distrust and it cannot be
d~n~ aw~y with merely in words. Race prejudice pollutes the
air m this country. After having been excluded from a number
of _labor uni~ns, having been ostracized by many sections of
whites, _there 1s no reason for Negroes to believe in words only.
They can ?nly be convinced by action. If they see larger number. of white workers actually fighting for Negro rights fiahting
against race prejudice, insisting upon equal treatment in


laces


for Negroes, t?en they w~ll have cause to rely upon the white
workers as the~r ~Uy. This is the only way this distrust can be
overcom~. Thi~ _is why the Communists, especially the white
Commumsts~ vi_gilantly guard their Party against the :.nfluence
of race pre~udice. No white worker is deserving of the name
of Commu~ist u~less he constantly carries on a struggle against
every mamfestation of ~ace prejudice among the workers.
. The Negro w~rkers, m order to achieve working class solidarity, ~~ve the ~hie! t,!sk of fighting against "black patriotism"
~d r~ce s~hdanty . They must constantly fight against the
1 eas O sue
people as Dr. DuBois for, as we have seen they
strengthen
the
Negro's distrust of the wh"t
h
h .
1 e work ers. N 0 N' egro
as t e ng~t to call himself a Communist unless he fi hts con·
stantlf agamst the Negro "race" leaders, unless he i~ always
ex~osmg the role of those who call for separation between white
an Negro, unless he is constantly explaining the unity of interests of. the. Negro masSt:s and of the work"mg c l ass. The Negro
C
omm~mst IS first an~ foremost the exponent of the proletarian
revolution, for he realizes that this alone will guarantee not only
freedom for the Negro but also emancipation of all toilers.


ll


How Will the Question of Self-Determination Be Settled?
. The Communists fight for the right of the Black Belt territory to self-determination. This means not only that the Negro
people shall no longer be oppressed but shall come into their
30
rightful position as the majority of the population in t~e Black
Belt. It means e uallv the ri!!ht of the Black Belt re ubhc freely
to determine its relations to t e ·nited States.
One cannot tell in advance under what circumstances the
question of the riaht of self-determination for the i\egro people
in the Black Bel~ will arise for definite sul ution . There are
.
two distinct pu:,sibilities.
first: The re.volution in the plantation country might mature
sooner than the proletarian re\·olution in the country a::- a whole.
This is a possibility because of the fact that capitalism is weakeSt
in the South and the enslaved Negro masses on the land are a
revolutionary force of great power. It is certain. howe\·er, that
the revolution in the plantation country cannot come to a hea_d
and press for victory unless capitalism throughout the count~~ I!'
in difficulties, already being threatened seriou!;ly by _the nsmg
Working-class movement. In this situation the rebellion of th e
Negro people would give new strength to and hasten the pro~etarian revolution. The working class, led by the CommumSl
Party, would come to the aid of the masses in the South to prevent the capitalist ruling da::;s of the North from suppressing the
revolution in the Black Belt. Cnder these circumstances the C~mrnunists in the Black Belt would favor, and would do everythmg
in their power to win the laboring people uf the Black Belt ~o
fa\'or complete i11depe11dt'1!,'t" from the capit •li,-t-rulecl repubhc
of the North. For complC'te independence of the Black Belt re·
giou would then mt>an greater freedom for the ~egroes and a
serious weakeninu- of the power of capitalism in the country as
a whole. All Cu~1munists would defend the rig.ht of the Negro
people to make their choice.
. r
Second: The proletarian revolution may overthrow capita ism
and establish a So,iet Government for the country as a whole
before the revolution comes to a head in the Black Belt. However it must be kept in mind that the two phases of the revolu·
tion will no1 develop separately. Thus, while the_ worker~ are
leadina the onslau<Tht anainst capitalism, the revolutionary seizure
o
e
t th same
O
of the plantation land and large-scale farms may a
e
timt> he proceeding in the South. But once the workers come to
power in the United States the rernlution for land and freedom
will be hastened and completed. One of the first steps of the
- ..
·11 l- t
t the riaht of self·
11"
o gran
e
centra I !'iov1et go\'nnment w1
elermmat10n to the Negro peop e in t e ac · Be t.
-
---·-
-
31
�h
the workers and peasants
troops of the foreign powers and w ere
S · li'st Soviet gov·
. esta bl'1sh'mg autonomous f ocia
had succeeded ID
d ated themselves
·
nts at once e er
ernments, these S oviet gove:rnme
.
Onl as the revolution
to the central Russian Sov~et Republic.the c:unter-revol utionary
developed in the other regions and as S . t
vernments estab·
intervention armies were defeated, were ovife got 1 Russia gave
.
th
h th
k'ng class o cen ra
1ished
f th outlying regions
there. Al oug
e wor i
1
direct aid to the struggle of ~e peop eths O
e ter -revolutionists,
.
th .

arnnes and
e coun
.
agamst
e mterven ion
"th the other Soviet
none of these regions was forced to fe~er~te w;f the Soviet Union
Republics. To this very day, the c?nst~tution all the nations at
permits the right of self-determmation to
This would mean that thr :'.e;!r<> peopl e in the Black Belt will
have the ri ght to choosr for them!-elves Lrlwt>rn fr.deration wi.th
or srparation from tht · l" nit r d States as a whole. The S onet
Power, the workt>r;; and their µ:ove.rnm ent. will µ:uarante e thi,right : First, becau,-e tlwre will be no reason for th e forcihlf'
anne xation of the l\egro Republic. With the o\·erthrow of capitalism, the basis of all exploitation will ha\e been eliminated,
thesebv al,-o thP. ba,-is for th f' exploitation and oppression of th e
~e~ro · people. SPrn11d. the fr ee union of p,..oples on the basi,- of
equality is possible only through free choice arrived at by tlw
majori ty of the people. The very fa ct that the victorious workin g
clas!'- and its Soviet l!overnmrnt would guar;-intce compl ete anrl
unlimi tPcl freedom of choice would in it!'-e lf he a guaranlt•t> of
freedom in thr full sen!'-e of the word. Undt>r sur h cirr um sta111 ·1•,th e Negro Comrnuni !-ts would urg1• and fight for frdrration with
the Sovi et republic of the Vnited States, for this course would
bP to the best intere:sts of the Negro peopl e and all workers. 111
th e event , how1· v1:r, that th e choice is aµ: ain st federation-the
Communi st Party and the Soviet gon•rn1111·nt would respect th,.
will of the Nr g ro pcnplr.
I n st;i ti11 0 our po~iti on on thi s q11e~ tio11, " a rr ;ruidcd no t
only by tlw th r orf'li cal prin ciplrs of the Communi ~t Part y hut
a lso hy th r actua l n w ri Pm:c of th f' Ru!-~ian Hl·voluti on. Hure
a num hrr of rl n 1: lop n· ·11ts in th r solution of the qu Pstion ot' sclfdd rr rni11 ati 1,n 11<T11r1 I sirnult.111 Pou,- ly. Tlie Cn·at Hu ss ian s.
whnsl' ruli n;.r da ,-!" op1,ri · •I the oth er l"l'l r !- within the Tsa rist
1-:mp irr , 1:orn pri!-ecl onl y ·d ,nut 1-5 Jlt' r i;e nt of the population uf
tlw old Hus;; ia. Uoth d urin l[ th e• fir st rev1-lutio11 in ;\for!'h, 1917.
whr n th P Tsa r wa s ov,·rtl ir o \111 , a nd rlur in;_! the sr l'ond n •vo lu tion of i\ mPmLrr. l ') I , . whr n tlw po wer of th e r·a pitali --t,- ,11111
larnl ow rwr;; wa,- de!- troy,:d and th e Sn\·il'l Gm·prr, mPnt ""L1hl i,- lwd.
·th,· workns had th r support of t hr p1 •a;; a11l !- not nn h · i 11 1·1·111 ra I
Hu ~sia hu t also in ·a n uml wr of ou th·inµ: rPgio 11s wlw n· tlw oppn·;;srd nat iona l J>P" fll P l i,·1·1I. llu t tlw rt · \ olut io n di d IH•t
rlr·\·d op 1•\·r nl v 1·\·1·n wh,·rr . 1 · nde r thr,-c· r· irn1rn!-la11 rrs. h o w w ;1,th<' '.lu<·!'ti on of sl' lf-d,·tPrmi nation ;;1·1Ll1•rl 't
T he fi r~t act 1,f ll w Sovi Pt Co V('l'IIJn f' ll t wa ,- I n i,;stw a d, ·n, ·1·
µ-rant ing thl'. ri ght of ~1·lf-d1·tn rni11 ation I n all till' nati ou -- of tl w
fo rm<' r Hu ,-~ ian 1·mp irc a11rl full 1·1pial r i;r ht~ within th,• F,·dn al1 ·d
Sovif't H1•p11 J.li es. 111 th11~p rt';_!11111,- whi('h wr· r,• not 111·1·11pi1·d ln~2
present in the Union.
ts In some regions the
There were also other developmenf ·
.
ry leaders who
.
d
h . ft ence o reactiona
people were still un er .t e ID u
Either the proletarian revoWere supported by foreign powers. .
t yet strong enough
lution was suppressed or the proletariat was n? 1 aders to cafry
.
. h
nor mdependent
enough f rom the bourgeois e Finland wh1c
.
.
Such a case was
'
through the revolution to victory.
E . Towards the end
at one time was a part of the Russiand ms;redomination of the
of the World War Finland came F~ .e~ ~ing class sup pressed
German Army' with wh~se aid the IDn~sher an indep endent ~ethe proletarian revolution and estabhs .
ts Did the Soviet
public under the domination of the cathpitaUis . . of Soviet Re.
. I d ·nto e ruon
Government try to force f 1D an i
h .
of the Council
·
8 the c airman
Le
publics? On the contrary,
nm, a .
R
bl · himself per·
of People's Commissars of the So~et


~~nish Republic


sonally acknowledged to a representat~ve o i:m official sanction
the right of that countr y to secede an gave
r
tt
to do so.
h S lny " said Lenin
" I very well remember the scene at t echa:~r t~ Svinkhovod,
l ater " when it fell to my lot to grant th~ . who had played the
. h bourgeome
'
. of th e r·mnis
the representauve
h d and we pal"d each
part of hangman. He amiably shook
w': I But it had to be
other complimente. Ho~ unth
pleabant eoisie falsely persu.aded the
done because at that ume e o~rg that the MoecoVlteB . wer:;
ted to crush the Finns.
people, the toiling masses, to bel_1eve
chauvinists and that ·t he Great Russians wan
h F' s the
th~
d
t anted t e mn
And if the Soviet Government ha ~o ~ force this would
right to secede and attempted to keep t em y uld h' ave looked
F · · h masses wo
have meant annexation. Th e mms .
sor no better than
upon the Soviet Government as a foreign oppres '

33
\~
�·
Tsari!ID. Today, the Finns are under the hard and brutal reac·
tionary dictatorship of the Finnish bourgeoieie, but there will be
no doubt that once they have overthrown this bourgeoisie there
will be no hesitation to federate with the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Government and the Communist Party recognized
the rights of all the nations which had formerly been oppressed
by Tsardom. The Soviet Union is composed of more than 100
different nations and national minorities. The oppression of these
nations is now impossible because the masses of that nation which
formerly oppressed them have overthrown the bourgeoisie and the
landlords and are building socialism. These numerous nations
live in complete harmony with each other. They have received
direct aid from the Great Russians in building their industry,
improving their agriculture and achieving complete economic
equality with the other peoples of the Soviet Union.
The proletarian revolution first wiped out the basis of national oppression. Then it began rapidly to lay the basis of
equality. For many of these formerly oppressed peoples had
been retarded and held back by Tsardom. It was necessary to
carry through the development of industry and agriculture in
the regions where the formerly oppressed nations lived, at even
a quicker pace than in Central Russia. We have witnessed here
the most rapid development of peoples that all of history can
show. Nomadic peop led were lifted out of their backwardness,
almost overnight devtl 01-,ed into an industrial and modern agricultural people without h~ ring to go through the stage of capitalism. Cultural development is equally swift. The basis for inequality is rapidly disappearing even in most backward areas.
The S'lviet Union has proved the correctness of the Communist program. If in the former "prison of nations", where
the question of national liberation and of national prejudices is
very much more complicated than in the United States, such
signal success has been achieved, can there be any doubt about
the realization of equal and even greater success here?
The Revolutionary Wey
We have seen that only a basic change can guarantee to the
Negro the possibility for a decent livelihood, the rights of human
beings and an equal, honorable and respected status in all public and social life. The ruling class will not permit such a change.
34
in order to
The masses of exploited must ~erefore orgamze
rnake use of their right to revolution.
h
·
It is forced
Lt
f our own c oosmg.
Revolution is not a ma er O •
d
grinds us down
upon us by capitalism itself, which degra e; us,
exploitation
into the dust makes life unbearable. As ong las .
'
. d th
have been revo ut10ns.
ere
f human
and oppression have existe
The revolutionary way has al":ays beehn the u7::f 0 a revolu·
. to bemg
as t e res
. r
progress. Cap1ta ism came m
bT
. Europe. Socialism
1
1
tion against feudalism ~nd the no 1t{ 0 a revolution against
came into bt>ing in Russia as the rehsu b" h nd progress of the
capitalism. Revolution has marked l _e 1~1 a '"•ary to remove
.
N
1
voluuon is nece ...
li mted
States.
ow anot ter re
f h
rogress. But the
d
ke way for urt er P
f
.
d
a ecaymg system an ~a
h
ther
revolutions o
11
0
a new exploiting
proletarian revolution differs _from a It
hi~ory. All previous revolutions resu _!e ~~e majority of the
class coming into power a nd suppres:--lm~ the maJ· ority coming
· re,o
. lution. .resu ts. m 't . and removmg
. the
people. Th e pro l etanan
into poweT, suppressing the explo1tmg_mmoOn )I then is the poa·
n v·., Society, orp;an·
· ·
b11sis of all explo1tat1on
an d °ppress1on.
. aII cl as;;e.
..
·
·
with
·
d
sibility created for omg 3 " ay .
the Sol"iali,at :oystemi1.ed in a new social and eco_n~>m•cf.,,.Y
l .sfte~~ bundanee.
1.:an now prov1"de t he nee t' ~·situ•-.•· o I e III a
th 'legro
been !'tranp;e to e .
The revolutionary way has noll . .
"tru.,o-les ha\'e glor·
, 1 • d St tes He,·o ut1onar y . ,-o
I8
µ,•nple in th e L mte ~ a ·
h courageous strutz!! e
itiecl their history. Ha\"e w~ forg143.215.248.55: tt e aaainsl thr sla\"e mer·
nf ihr African peoples for ltfe an . 1 er Y1 ~ ? Even the few
d h Amencan r o on1es.
·f
d1ant;, of Europe an I e
d . written history tesll Y
inc iden ts which have been presPrv~ Ill
·1gainst Pnslavement
find inspiration
lo the determined struggle of the egroels •
. .
The Negro peop e can
N t
from the very b egmnmg.
G b . I Denmark Vesey, a
in the revolutionar y attt'mpts of . ah n~ '. the numerous slave
111
Turner and unt o11l tIwu:-,rn Js of h"!' ter,,,
h
der"round ra1·1 roa d ·
1 •
l
'-It tes and m t e un
e
l
revo lts in the mtel ~ a ' '
l t" nary war
of t h e Ame r·
10
·
·
ted
in
the
revo
u
Many Negroes partic1pa
..
he Civil War itself was a re vo•
icun colonies against the Bntish. T
h ..,ero ypsterclay chatti>l



a


-those
W O "
" •
lution •m which
the ,'"eeroes
.
slaves !-fouaht for land and hherty.
I
mbattlt>d NeJi;ro
0

·1 w decade when t lt' e •
. f
That glorious "I
ar_
. bloodhounds of reacuon or
fought with gun in hand agamsft lthe cl . todav an heroic, revolu•
the riahts of citizenship and o un is
.
"
35
t
J.
�fore be faced with the need of obliterating this inequality which
it will have inherited from capitalism.
The fundamental policy of a Soviet Government with regard
to the Negro generally would therefore be to create even relatively
greater opportunities for advance and progress for the Negro than
for the white. Special emphasis would be placed upon training
more Negro skilled workers, upon technical and other forms of
education, upon inducing larger numbers to take up engineering,
science, etc. The technical schools, colleges and universities, most
of which are today either out of the reach of or closed to Negroes,
would be placed at the disposal of Negroes even to a proportion·
ately greater degree than of the rest of the population. This is
the only way that special privileges for the whites can be done
away with. A Soviet Government must confer greater benefits
upon the Negroes than upon the whites, for the Negroes have
started witn less. This is the real test of equality. This is the only
way that the basis for real equality can be established.
Any act of discrimination or of prejudice against a Negro
will become a crime under the revolutionary law. The baais of
race prejudice and oppression will no longer exist because cap·
italimi will no longer exist. But it would be entirely Utopian
to believe that the day after the revolution all prejudice will
disappear. Capitalism will leave some of it behind like a stench,
just like it will leave behind other capitalist ideSB and preju·
dicee. But these will be systematically fought by the Soviet
Government and the Communist Party until they are extinguished.
Then it will no longer be a question of wiping out !he basis for
such prejudices, but of merely obliterating the remnants. Social·
ism will remake man. To the first generation of new Soviet
Americans race prejudice and discrimination will appear like
a horrible disease of a past age.
In affairs of State, in the political activities of the country,
in management, in all phases of public life, with the removal of
all discriminations, the Negro will be playing a prominent part,
just as Georgians, Tadjiks, Ukrainians, etc., are today among the
leaders of the Soviet Union and its Communist Party.
The horrors of segregated, over-crowded ghettoes will disappear. All residential sections of the city will be opened to
the Negro. There will be no segregated areas. If Negroes wish
to remain in Harlem, for instance, they will be perfectly free to
S8
�Commercial and Residential Installations and Repairs
UNDERWOOD
Licensed Electrical Contractor
"More Power to You:"= ~ ~ = -~E~L~E~C~T~R~l~
C=C
~ O~M
~P~A~N!Y
L =======:::::=:::==---1720 DeKalb A venue, N. E .
Atlanta, Georgia 90307
379-5588
Sept.20,
1967
Ivan Allen, Jr., Mayor
3700 Norl hside Drive, N.W.
Allan t a, Georgia 30305
Dear Mayor Allen,
It was only recently I read t his enclosed book dealing
with the problem in our towns.
The statemmts made the rein appalled me but, realizing
this book was published by the Workers Library Publisher s
( a communist printing com_p3.ny) the statements then came to
light to me as I'm sure they will to you.
My concern is that a certain minority group in our society
is being used and misguided by this conspiracy for the conspiracy's gain. I am sure if our city le aders were aware of
what is broug ht out in this book, then you would t a ke action
t o help prevent the cruelty imposed on this group by our
enerey-.
I appreciate your time and if I may be of help contact me.
Sincerely,
fa_ -r-~
John
F. Underwood
JFU/bu
Copy of this letter sent to each alderman.
�do so, to beauti fy it, to build it' up. But if they wish to live in
other sections of the city, better located, closer to places of work,
or for other reasons, they will also be free to do so. In fact,
t~e living in close contact and the mixing of peoples of all nations and of all races will be r.ncouragcd, for this will hasten the
Jestruction of al I forms of scparati!'m passed J own as a heritage from capitalism, will tend to freely amalgamate all peop les.
Thus, in a general way, we see the tremendous possibilities
for_the Negro in a Soviet America. No privileges for the whites
~hich the Negroes do not at the same time have, full equal
nghts-this is thr. minimum to be expected fro m a Soviet America.
But today some eight million Negroes-two-thirds of the
Negro people- li ve in and around the plantation area, in the
lllost backward section of the country. The basic work will have
lo he done here. Here the real economic basis for equality, the
" 11 cial and political realization of equality, is to be g-uaranteerl.
The Soviet Negro Republic
We assume here that the new Negro Republic created as a
result of the revolution for land and freedom is a Soviet Republic
a_nd that this Republic has settled the question of self-determinahon in favor o( federation with the Soviet United States. Under
such conditions, we will try to picture in its main features the
transformation which can and will take place in this territory.
The actual extPnt of this new Hepublic would in all probal,ility he approximately the pm-rnt arPa in which the Negroes
co11stitute the ma jori ty of the population. In other worcls it would
h~ approximatrly the pr~se11t planlation area. It would be certain to include such r:i tics as Jticlunond and Norfolk, Va., Columbia and Charleston, S. C., /\rl anta, Augusta, Savannah and Macon,
Georgia, Montgomery, Alabama, New Orleans and Shreveport,
La., Litt le Hock, Arkansas, ancl l\.'lemphis, Tennessee. In the
actual determinati on of the boundaries of the 11ew Republic,
other industrial cities may be included. The actual settlement of
the qur.stion of boundaries wi ll depend largely on the steps taken
10 as!' ure well-rounded economic dP-vclopment lo the Negro
Republic. This question we will discuss shortly.
What will be the basis of political power? Who will hold
the political power in this territory?
At the present timt> political power is in tht' hands o( the
39

�plantation masters and the capitalists. The democracy which
permits the voters to elect this or that representative of the interests of the large landlords and the capitalists is limited only
to a section of the white population. The Negroes are practically
entirely excluded. There is less democracy here than in any other
part of the country.
As a result of the revolution the plantation masters and the
capitalists will be overthrown. The formerly exploited classes
of the population will come to power. These will be the workers,
the former share-croppers, small tenants and small individual
landowners. Because the Negroes are in a majority, especially
of the exploited classes, the new governmental bodies will be predominantly composed of Negroes. The actual working out of
real democracy in this territory-democracy for the majority
of the people and not for the minority as under capitalismwill result in the Negroes playing the principal role in the new
governmental authority.
It would, however, be ¼Tong to say that the new government
would be a dictatorship of the Negroes. Political power is based
not upon racial characteristics but upon classes. The new political power would be-a dictatorship of the workers and the small
farmers. Since most of the workers and the small farmers in this
territory are Negroes, they would naturally compose the greater
part of the personnel of the new town, township, county and regional government bodies.
The Soviet has proven to be the international form of this
kind of governmental power. The first Soviets were created by
the Russian Revolution of 1905, and were established as the
form of the dictatorship of the proletariat a,; a result of the
Russian Revolution of 1917. Since then in revolutions which
have taken place in Germany, Hungary, Austria, Spain, China,
Cuba and other countries, Soviets have also appeared as the
form of power of the workers and peasants. The Soviets which
will arise in the old South will be somewhat as follows:
They will arise locally, here and there, as the revolution
starts, and spread as it develops further. Let us try to picture
the composition of 'one of these Soviets, which will hold power
in a certain locality. On this Soviet there will be representatives
of the share-croppers, tenants and wage-workers of the plantations; then representatives, let us say, of the workers in a local
40
. .
I t
Lt n ain cutton,seed oil fac·
sawmill or of a fertilizer p an , co O o '
d
.
I
. ht be one or two poor an
tory, or nearby textile mill; l iere mig
j · t ests of the
small landowners. T?is SoviPt will r_cpres~nt t ie,. m ;~; farmers.
workers from the mills a[l(l plantat10ns and t;r... ~nd the poor
It will embody the alliance lwtwcrn the work · ··
.· " ·t
f these chsses, usm.,- I s
.
farmers. It will b1~ a dictator~I11P O
,d_ ·cl f . t . II at• •
l ution '·m . :e ea .i '
Power to defend tlu~ l"lvains o• f Ih e rnvo
.
• •
~
, 111ta1)SIS at COUii·
tempts of the form,~r pla11tat10n rna:-tcrs •1111 C,lrtcr-revolution.
.
d I , -e Soviet
As the aains of the revolution arc consohJaNtc t H-r~ . 1i1·1c
o
'
S · . l <'"ro \t~pu
·
territories will unite to form the ,w~ ?lvlirb. ' ·o o ·ed uf the
.
b
d
£
h
R
bl
,c
w1
e
comp
s
,
1 he central Soviet o Y O t c P.(HI .
.
l found in the
.
. h
· • . • -1 · which a1e to ie
ll
bl" " therefore, does
reprcscntal1ves ol t r. -ame m_1cl l!S"
local Soviets. The term "Soviet Negro epu ic
·lu,iwly uf
not mean a llcpubl ic or a µ;ovcrnrrw11t conipo:r.. ctxc ·11 the new
II
N " .. will part1c11ia e I
.
.
Negroes. Wh1Lc:s
as we as corocs _
, , . whit•· sharc, i\1urro wori-1 rs,
II
k
power-white wor Prs as "'·' ,ts ' -,-,
I
. • ·'Soviet
'
h
.
Jt'I""' But L ie n,1n1c
croµp1:rs us well as Negro s arc-crop1 ·: .
lele oemocracy,
Neµro Republic" does express the fact th.i_t cohmp_
lution itself.
d b 1Ne"rOf'" in t c ,rvo
and the important ro Ie PIaye
Y " . · ··
t ·111 ·,cconlane1·
'
h a,·... placed the Ne~nws .111 th e b o< 1·1cs ol ..-,,·o,·1•r11nw11
·
with their real majority.
h
·ent rulin" class
1
It must also be borne in mi nd t mt. l e ~;~: -revolutiin will
of the South is composed entirely of wlutes. l ·t·11g and ruling
· t th present exp 0 1 1
disfranchise and expropna e
h b · of class dis·
·n b e edone
on t e as1s
N
h l
class. This, of course, WI
1·t will result in
evert f' ess,
. · t·10n.
tiuction and not race d 1stmc
.
... , .
h ·" J white c1llzt 11 "·
cuttino- down the number of en f ranc J. et
. . h' l ry
0
• ·1
ituution in our 0 " 11 18 0 ·
We have somewhat of a simi ar s
.
hi rulPd the
In the years 1867-187'7 a revolutionary dictators pent the fur. d" t h"p was to prev
South. The purpose of t h 18 icta ors I
Th' was a dictator18
• to power.
rner slaveowners £rom returmng
h
'ddle class sup·
· 1··
t
d
Sout
ern
mi
'
ship of the Northern capita 18 s an
many of whom
I
ported principally hf the forme~ ~:g~~u~ha:~·in locally organ·
were in the army which patrolle ~
h" was also supported,
ized rifle clubs and militias. The dictato~s ipf
The county
th
or white armers.
especially at the start, b Y e po
mposed almost en. th
l t tion areas were co
. h
governments m
e P an a
th Negroes were m t e
tirely of Negroes. In a number of stathesld e y of the important
· l atures, an d they e man
rnajority in the l eg1s
d
41
�state offices. A number of Negnies were elected to the Senate
and House of Representatives in Washington. If at that time full
democracy had been in force the Negroes would have had even
larger representation in the state and national governments.
A fter the defeat of these revolutionary governments, the Negroes
were completely disfranchised.
Under the revolutionary government of the Soviets, however,
full democracy fur the majority will be assured by creating the
economic basis for this democracy.
The Economic Foundation of Equality
THE LAND
Among the first actions of a Soviet government would be a
decree recognizing the confiscation of the large landownings
where this has taken place or authorizing such confiscation if it
has not yet taken place, converting all privately-owned land into
the property of the whole people without compensation, and the
confiscation of all livestock and implements of the large landowners for the use of the people.
Thus would the destruction of the plantation system in the
South be authorized according to revolutionary law.
The land would now be the property of the people as a
whole. Local Soviets or land committees, compc,sed of the poor
farmers and the farm workers, could now determine the allotment
of land to the former tenants and share-cropeprs. While the hmd
would remain the property of the Republic, it would be divided
up among the poor farmers whose right to till their farms would
be recognized. Those who already have a small holding of land
would be permitted to continue working it and they might even
be given more land after the needs of the landless are satisfied.
All previous debts and obligations would be cancelled. Financing, the banks and credit would now be in the hands of the Soviet
state. With the removal of all restricting forces, such as the old
credit institution and the plantation system, a complete transformation of agriculture in the South would now be possible. The
most hackl\'ard area under capitalism could now be turned into a
source of well-being for its population. Cotton, the most important commercial crop, which under capitalism is ~he scourge
of millions of toilers, can now be turned into the instrument for
rapid economic and social development.
From the huge plantations as they exist today two kinds of
42
.
.
d 1 in the first stages of
agricultural enterprises are likely to eve op .
. the South
.
b
40 000 plantations 1D

Soviet
Power. There are a out • ' . b t 72 5 acres, but only
The size of the average plantation 18 a. ou k d b tenants and
yh'mself with
slightly more than half of this acreage 1s wodr e
.
k d b the lan owner 1
share-croppers. The rest 1s wor e Y

f the plan.
th tenant section o
wage-workers. Cotton 1s grown 'ln e
f land and for
.
·
· used as athreserveh 0 d the present
18
talion,
and the other secuon
an 'reserve land
. f eed crops. .On e. one f the
t h e purpose of growing
tenant holdings together with a certaint:i:hbon t~e former tenants.
could be turned into small farms wor e
Y1 b section of the
On the other hand, a good part of the watger:i.i:: or collectives.
plantation could be turned into mo~el _sta immediate examples
These could serve from the very begmnmg 1 t form collectives.
for the surrounding small holders of land ~ so t~e socialist form,
For the advantage of this form of farmmg,
Would immediately become apparenL
1 There
.
tremendous sea e.
Some of these plantations a~e on a which have an average
e today worked
are over 400 plantations, for inatance,
. h 1 700 acres ar
acreage of about 3,500 , of wh lC
'
k
The largest
ers.
by the landowners themse1ves Wl"th wage wor
M"
and is owned
plantation in the world is situated at Scott, 1:*'·•th AAA This
· I now 1D e
·
by Oscar Johnson, one of the h 1. gh Officla
s .
f this kind the
• covers 37,OOO acres. On plantations
P1antahon
d
toscientific meth0
~e shared by the
use of modern machinery and the lat~~ ~n
ods of agriculture, the benefits of w lC Wld
encouragement
·11
as tremen ous
f the small holdings.
producers themselves, Wl serve
for the creation of similar giant farms out O
for the

11
The technical transformation of agricuSltureh Wl T:doty untold
"bl · the old out ·
h" h .
used by the backfirst time become poss1 e m
.
.
1
.
·1
ion w 1c 1s ca
Wealth 1s bemg ost m 801 eros
d"
d plantation system.
shed away. With
Ward methods established by the ere_ lt
The good soil is being. e":11austed 0 .r si: p thew;oviet Government,
the aid of trained spec1ahsts supphe? ~ ed In.stead of a one·
. Iture Wl·n be mstitut
·
new methods of agncu
d
-t d by the bankers
.
. 1
h.
h
is
eman.,.e
sided one-crop agn cu ture, w ic
ded and planned
'
. wi' ll b e possi"ble to have
roun
and creditors,
1t
. hd awn
and replanted Wl'th
agriculture. Inferior land may be wit rcli land and the soil
lwnber, food crops may be raised on olt' ert1'on of forage, etc.
. of crops and theb cu d'1vag
d
restored by rotation
1e- ree m ' 88 the tractor an
.
d'
·11
lace
mu
L1ve-stock bree mg Wl rep


S


.fi
t
43
�other agricultural machinery replace the mule. The huge collec·
tive farms can be tremendous cotton-growing factories. The land,
no longer divided up into small tenant lots, can now be plowed
by a tractor, planted by a seeding machine, chopped by modern
agricultural equipment. The mechanical cotton picker, whose
development has been retarded by the present system of growing
cotton, could now be employed profitably. There would be a
tremendous saving in human labor. Hunclrccl:,; of thousands of
farm families would now have the possibilities of leisure and
peace, plenty and abundance, education and culture.
Social planning will make this possible. The nearest capitalism has come to "planning" is to plan the destruction of millions
of acres o~ cotton under the A.A.A. and the Bankhead Bill. The
new planning will plan, not destruction, but pro1lul'lion and distribution.
Where will the n~sources and capital Le obtained for this
transformation of Southern agriculture? At the present time the
hankers, other creditors, large commission and merchanting
houses and the large landowners obtain great profits from the
cotton country. Much of the surplus now produced in the collon
eountry is accumulated by the financiers in the form of exorbitant interest, in some cases reachinp; as hip;h a:,; 700 per r.ent per
annum. This parasitism will no lunp;er exist. All cotton will
be sold directly lo gcm~rnment agencies eith,•r from the collective
or state farms or by the cooperatives of the individual owners.
Government credit will be made available, on easy terms, to the
poorest section of the fanning population ancl to the collectives.
Thus the capital produced by cotton cultivation will not Aow into
the coffers of Wall Street but will be utilized for improving
Southern agriculture and the conditions of its workers.
But this will not be the only source of capital. The government of the :\egru Republic could allocate to agriculture additional funds from the revenues of the State, largely obtained from
State-owned industry.
Thirdly, there would be even greater aid from the Central
Soviet Government of the United States. The principal policy
of the Central Soviet Government with regard to the Negro Republic would be to establish the basis of full equality by rapidly
raising the economic level of this region. Funds would immediately be allocated for agricultural and industrial development in
44
.
h . . ns and experts would
f 11
d by the
the South· the necessary skilled tee nicia .
'
.
. 1 the pohcy o owe
he supplied. This was precise Y
.
h backward areas
· U ·
· relat10n to t e
government of the S ov1et mon 1~
lived If the Soviet Union
where the formerly oppressed natw~s. d ·
ces the Central
.h .
1 . l hm1te resour '
could do this, wit _its r~ at1ve y
will be able to do it on a
Soviet Government m this country
d 'th that of the
.
·
· connecte w1
much greater scale. Th 1s quest10n is
building of industry in the South.
INDUSTRY
f h
untry there is a very uncomparison to the rest o t e _co h
tation area of the
developed and unbalanced industry m t e p a_nll towns there are
·
f cotton m1

. h
South today. With
t e e~ceptIO~ 0 . 0 the Black Belt. The only
no important large-scale mdu st ries. 1
h' h is 1·ust off the
. . B' mmaham w ic
h eavy industrial center is
0
m ir
1 The textile industry, by
northern tip of the Alabama Black B~ t.
d · the North and
. h 5 th 1s centere m
.
rar the largest .m d ustry m
t e ou •
l
t
part of Georgia.
· the Nort 1eas em
h
. p·ie d mont an d m
South Carolina
.
l
moved from t e
,,
b
. d t " are a so re
the rayon and to acco m us ne~.
. h' th plantation area
plantation area. The only indust_n es w1tdm 'th\griculture, such
itself are those which are closely conne~~e I w1 ber turpentine.
as fntilizer. cotton gi n;;, cotton-sePd o1, um t '1·n this respect
·
.
f h 5 · t governmen
The basic pohcy o t e ov1e
h . dustries as already
Would be to industrialize this area. SSuc . m t te Even before
f the ov1et s a .
.
.
h h d
ex.1st would pass mto t e an s O
l'k ly to be: to open
·1
h
fi
t
steps are 1 e
new industries are b UI t t e rs
·
rporate such an
rkers to mco
R
the textile industry to N egro wo
' 't y of the Negro e.
B' . h m in the tern or
.
important area as irmmg a
._f
h machine-building m.
.
d
t
a
basis
or
t
e
.

pu bl ic m or er to crea e
h f t'l' er cotton-gmnmg
.
d .
ve t e er 1 iz .
d
dustry· to modermze an impro
h
f scientific metho s
·J Pl an ts·teuseo
and other similar m ustna
' o d s W h'lCh under the com•
th
in the exploitation of
e pme wob . '
uickly exhausted; to
Petitive capitalist system, are ~ow emt~ q with lumbering.
.
· d t in connec 10n
l
d evelop the furniture
m us ry
Id rtainly be the supJ' Y
One of the principal problems woul ce t of such a large·
.
The deve opmen
Id
of agricultural ma.c h mery ·
B' · gham area wou
'th the irmm
d
.
scale industry in connect10n w1
B. . ham h as n ot been developeth
be on the order of the day. irmmg
etition of the nor .
to its full potentialities because of _the_ co;;i:n is conceded by all
ern steel-producing centers. :et rumt;; c:nter of a huge metal
specialists in the field to be idea as
l
In
'
·a
45
�·n f or the first
time meet a stronger
.
.11 t the same time
the southern masses today, wi
foe. This foe will be victorious because it wh1 ad"
s Pro·
h
.
use of t ese isease .
do away with poverty, t_ e pru~e ~a .
will for the first time
f essional care and public hospitahzationnd poor
th Negro masses a
he available on a large seal e to
e
. Ge
· and the
,
t estate m
orgia
whites. President Rooseve lt s presen b
d 1·nto sanitoria,
·
other resorts of t h e m1·11·ionaires,
can e turneh h
of tired
h
become t e aven
B
I
hospitals, clubs, etc. Pam eac ca~
ds
also be Q5eci
Workers and toiling farmers. The pme woo c;iresorts of the
as health-giving resorts. All the beS t spots£ anth masses
.
l
b
est homes or e
·
present rulmg c ass can ecome r
. h
. list education of
Much will also have to be .done ~n t e. st:ve removed the
the white population. Th~ ~evolution_ wil . 11 remove even the
basis of prejudice, hut socialist education w1
industry. There are close at hand the necessary coal, ore and
dolomite. This could become the great manufacturing center of
tractors and other agricultural machinery which will be a great
force in bringing about socialism on the former slave land.
This area is also rich in water power. Capitalism has only
just begun the development of electric power in the South and
this growth has been retarded because there is not sufficient
industry to make use of this power. Under the planned economy
of a Soviet state, old industry would be reconstructed, new industries would arise.
We have only indicated some of the possibilities. Still greater
ones would unfold in a Soviet America. This much is important
and certain: with the overthrow of the landlord-capitalist power
and the establishment of the Soviet Negro Republic, the most
backward section of the United States would develop into an
advanced, wealthy area. The rich resources of the territory, until
now wasted and plundered by the capitalists, would be turned
to their own account by the workers and farmers, with the aid of
the working class of the North and northern resources. Then
would the basis of Negro equality be established. And the socalled poor whites would also he liberated from poverty, extreme
exploitation and backwardness.
remnants of prejudice.
. .
. h
ossibility created for
Only on the basis of socrnhsm is t e p
l Unde~ !be
the full and equal development ~£ ~e N~fe: ~~:P ~~gro i,c:ople
slave power and under the cap1tahst pd U der the power of
have been retarded, oppressed, perse~ute ·


lossom forth and


the workers and the poor farmers t ey can f II-fledged people
. potentla
· 1·ities.
· . Only .then as
d a du e ual status herealize all then
will they be able to take their und1spute an
q
side3 all the peoples of the world.
.
f a glorious future
. This is only a mere peep into the vista o h1"eve They come
ot easy to ac
·
.
for the masses. Such th mgs are n
h
t turn those energies
as the result of hard struggle. But
~ no lasses are using for
and powers of ours, which the exp o1tmg c
their benefit, to our benefit?
. .
by preparing our
.
b · by orgamzmg,
We must begm now- egm
di"tions by learn·
.
l t 'mprove our con
,
b "ld and support the
forces in our daily strugg es O 1
.
" Ab
all we must u1
.
ing "to take over.
ove
k'
lass the Communist
only revolutionary party of th (; wor mhg cvohi~ionists and mili. P arty, composed of d'staunch reworkina class an d the
p arty. This
tant workers, is training and lea mg t be. t"ve 0
d their areat o Jee i .
oppressed masses tow?r s
o l
create the powerful, greal
Join the Comm1mist Party, hep
d Socialism.
. . l ad . th masses towar s
vanguard which is e mg e
.
The Reali:r.ation of Social Equality
When the slaves were liberated in the South as a result of the
Civil War the slave blocks and auction houses were burned to
the ground by the former chattels. One can well imagine with
what elation the liberated people of the South will now burn
the jim-crow signs, symbols of the capitalist slavery of white and
Negro alike. The bonfire of jim-crow signs will light the way
to real freedom.
The power of the workers and poor farmers will create for
the first time a culture for the masses of the South. New, modern school buildings will arise by the thousands. Illiteracy, the
shame of the South, will be wiped out. Technical schools and
universities will also become a southern product. We think it
entirely safe to predict that the public school system in all its
branches will develop at a rate in the South exceeding any previous records in the history of American capitalism.
Much will have to be done in the field of health protecton.
The diseases of poverty-pellagra, hookworm, etc.- which plague
46
r.
.
L
PUBLISHERS
Published by WoRKE;f 1~ YCity. June, 1935
P. O. Box 148, Sta. D, - ew
�What's Back of Anti-Discrimination Bills?
The past year or two a wave of propaganda has demanded the
enactment by Congress and the several States of so-called "Anti·
Discrimination Laws."
The assumption of many persons is that these measures are a
generous and timely effort that will bring contentment to all the
people. But there is impressive evidence that they are, instead, merely
one more attempt of the Communists to stir up trouble.
There und_oubtedly is so_me discrimination against many Negroes,
and to a certam extent agamst many Jews. But it is in large part
merely_ the e_xpression by the 117 million non-Negroes and non-Jews
of their ch01ce of employees or fellow-employees, or of companions
or associates. Such choice is, in the very nature of things, a part of
liberty itself.
Negroes and Jews in the United States have had greater opportu~itie~ than in ~ny other country on earth. On the day the New York
legislative commlltees held a hearing on an Anti-Discrimination Bill,
the New York_papers carried long articles telling of the election of a
Negro as President of the Bar Association of Dutchess County, New
York, and mentioning incidentally that his daughter is a Justice of the
Domestic Relations Court in New York City.
. ~ncreasing numbers of ~egroes are constantly attaining distinc·
uon ID many fields. There 1s less reason now for anti-discrimination
l~ws t!tan there might h:ive_ been t~n, ~wenty or thirty years ago. The
~1tuauon has been steadily 1mprov1Dg ID that slow but sure way whid1
1s the sou_ndest way_ of all, but which apparently annoys the zealots
and fa~aucs who wish to see any situation they think wrong righted
over mght. And many good citizens, who have lacked opportunity
really_ to study the matter, are today being misled by iliese very
!anaucs, and by an alien-minded element with aims and purposes of
its own.
M~st Ame_ricans regret the existence of any cliso·imination. True
edu~:tllon, pat!ence and ~eate_r emphasis on the_ Christian quality of
chan_ty (that 1s, good will) will accelerate the unprovement in race
rel~uo~s t~at has long been noted. But to resort to compulsion by
leg1slauon 1s not the remedy. That will set the clock back--and will
probably do worse. The Eighteenth Amendment proved that.




We submit herewi_th an offse~ copy of a pamphlet published in
1935 by the Workers Library Publishers (the Communist Party of the
U:S.A.). A perusal of this suggests the likelihood ~t ~e anti-discnmi~ation campaign for which many ~ pe<_>P.le, mduding church
organizations, have fallen, is of wholly ahen ongin.
. "The Negroes in a Soviet America," as the reader will ~ee, is a
dir~ct incitement by the Communist;5 to bloody revolt aga~nst the
whue people of the United States, urgmg them_ to set up a Soviet form
of government and affiliate with Soviet Russia. The Foreword on
page 2 urges social equality as "'a minimum desire" of th_e N~gr~. ~n
page 35 is the statement, "'The Negro people can find msp1rauon 10
tne revolutionary attempts of Gabriel, Denmark Vesey, Nat Tum':



·." etc.; and upon consulting Volume XIV of Albert Bushnell Hart_s




History of the American Nation," it will be foun'! that _two at leas~
of these Negroes were the leaders in Negro revolts m which scores 0
White men, women and children were mercilessly slaughtered .
. On page 38 is the statement that, "Any act of discriminatio~ or of
prejudice agamst a Negro will become a cnme under the revoluuonary
law."
The anti-discrimination bills carry out this idea precisely!
At the present moment, of course, the C~mmunist technique has
changed-it would not aid in securing a conunuance of lend-lease or
the expected help in Russian reconstruction if so cr_ude :I; pamphl~t
Were circulated now. Nevertheless, as David
Dalhn f>OlDtS .out .m
his .book, "The Real Soviet Russia" (publishe bf th~ Yale Umversity
Press, 1945), this current attitude of tlie Commll:msts 1s merely a Prul;5C
from which t11e Communists will return to their ruthless Commum5t
program when the current need has passed.
James W. Ford, one of the authors ?f the pamph~et, h_as. been
several times the candidate of the Communist Party for Vice-Piesidcnt.
"James S. Allen " the other author, is the alias for Sol Au~rbach whose
activities were ~ matter of record before the Dies Committee.

This special offset edition of "The Negroes in a Soviet America ..
has been brought out in order that the people may form a true ';';°der5tanding of what is back of the present hullabaloo about
¾uality."
Race
NATIONAL ECONOMIC COUNCIL, INC.,
April 1915
550 fifth Ave., New York I, N. Y.
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New York City
�220 Griffin St., N. W.
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30314
, r, , :· · _.
1.,
j


•• 
..


l
•. \I ,-~
,


J


. l
• Ll
M
-1: ,. . . _
L
Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr.
City of tlanta
City Hall
tlanta, Georgia
l
·c·
..

7] "::...- 1- - -,
d
1 10 , E-l111an
5 •i..11--.;;::
0 1n/iependern;.e
!917-67
I
��• '
,;,.
_r
Jo1·~ 1
~~@~W
Emory Universit
Vol. 48, No. 8
Pcitie/6; }Jt. t. /(i1t9
lltte1td ~~e }Jteeti1t9
.
CHANIN
Dykes High School is located in northwest
Atlanta at the corneli of Powers Ferry and Jett
Roads across from Chastain Park. The fact of
its location is insignificant as is the fact of its
existence except that the institution serves to
provide needed educational facilities to the immediate surrounding area.
What is significant is the fact that few Negroes attend the school. Of course the reason for
this is that very f ew Negroes live in the neighborhood serviced ,b y Dykes. Thus the imp'Ortant
point is that very few Negroes live on the northside of Atla nta- in the social area known to
r eaders of the hate sheet, the Northside News,
as THE NORTHSIDE.
Now it is not suggested that any person should
particularly want to live in that area or to
partake of its so-ca lled benefits : debutantes,
snobbery and other pleasantries. But it is a
very beautiful neighborhood with rolling lawns,
la rge estat es, much green and, thanks to fine
influence with the city, well-paved streets. In
fact, the best possible in city services, in school,
in all the things that go to make for gra-cious
living are provided t'o the needy residehts living
there. Need a t elephone installed, be right out,
none of this cr ap about party-lines. Garbag e
collect ed r egularly and streets, even the most
out of the way ones, cleaned with little dela y.
Yes, on the northside lives the wealth of Atlanta. The decision makers are there-the presidents of the companies, the senior partners ·o f
the law firms, t h e doctors who claim that status
brought by Piedmont Hospital. This is "Driving
Club" land. And there are no Negroes. Read the
social pag es of the Atlanta newspapers: no Negroes ever have parties, g et ma rried, or give
•b irth to children. In fact n'One of this goes on
a nywher e but the n orthside-if one trusts these
newspaper s.
Meanwhile the Biltmore Hotel was the host
last week to the annual meeting o.f the .Southern
Regional Council. At the banquet last Thursday
t he people mixed-eolored and white, gentile and
J ew. There were northsiders there. Seve ral weeks
earlier the Regency Hot el was the site of the
annual meet ing of t he S-outhern Christian Leadership Conference. Sidney Poitier, Mrs. Rosa
Parks, and Dr . Marti n Luther Kin:g lead t he
dignitaries. Mayor Allen was among t hem. And
there were many northsiders t here.
These annual meetings are important for two
r easons. They indicate that there are those
among the leadership of Atlanta who do not
hold the normal views of the northside. These
are the people who have been instrumental in
developing the policies and pr ogr ams that have
given Atlanta the progressive image that it has
t oday and who have elected or seen to the elec-
tion of the proper persons to carry out the
policies and programs.
The annual meetings also would indicate that
the organizations sponsoring the meetings exist.
The fact that the SRC and the SCLC still exis";
is a comment on our time. It is not that they
should have been wiped out by W;ives of Southern bigotry, but that there is still a need for
their continuation.
The comment is this: 1) it has been 12 years
since 1954 and the Brown decision; 2) it has
been over 100 years since the end of the r evolt
of the Southern states; 3) it has been almost
200 yea rs since these words were written"We hold these truths to be self evident: that
all men are created equal. . . ."
The facts are these: in Atlanta, schools a r e
still segregated in fact; Negroes must live in
one particular section 'Of town; no major law
firm has yet to hire a Negro lawyer; no major
company has hired Neg ro executives, the jobs
left open to Negroes a re menial a nd low paying
for the most part; no social club will accept
Negroes as members; Negro neighborhoods are
on the bottom in city services and assista nce
pr ovided by private companies; schools in these
neig hborhoods are the oldest and most crowded ;
in the slums landlords and loan sharks prey
upon the ignora nce created by white big otry
and d·o so unregulated by the law; for the most
pa rt pure racism governs the sale of houses
and the r ental of apartments in the better areas
of Atlanta preventing a Negro's moving there
even if he wanted to and on and on and on.
P erhaps this situation makes the point mor e
clearly : in the Commerce Building , home of the
organization that develo,p ed and stands for " For ward Atlanta"--the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, is locat ed the Commerce Club to which
no Negro is welcome as a guest or member, not
even the Assistant Secretary of Commer ce.
Atlanta has begun to take the faltering steps
to t reat all its citizens as the minimum demanded by huma n decency-a s human beings. Yet before the smugness settles too deeply in t hese
homes on t he northside where not much is seen
beyond the c·ount ry club, t hese people, who. see
the resolut ion of the problems of Detroit and Los
Angeles and New York and At lanta as better
police protection, should recognize what lip service to progress really means. It means nothing.
And to·o much depends on immediate action to
be satisfied with it.
The change that will come will not come overnight, but as one Southerner, Judge Wisdom of
the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, commented
in the Jefferson County case:
The clock has ticked the last t ick for tokenism
and dela:>: in the na
eed"
�n
TO ,
~
- °f4
Da n E. Swea t ,
FROM:
~
ROUTE SLIP
Jr.
r your i nform a tion
D
Please r efe r co the a ttac he d corresponde n ce a nd ma ke th e
n e c essa ry re ply.
D
Advise me th e s t a tu s o f th e a ttac h e d .
F ORM 25-4 - S
�THE SUNDAY
JfJIOrT:Poffreniensc.tttfflOl't~, wlllte """1 lrt,lit) ~'-t1t11tflop~
5
~ 1.'11!:lteJ:i• on the deadly economics of segregation: the lime-bomb inthe core of the American city
~
GENERATION OF DESPAIR
TO GET an idea of the despair lhls background Stokeley
behind Amerk:a's me riots Carmichael, the apostle of
Black Powe r , calls fur
af;~s143.215.248.55:b~f ~~or;
tl\143.215.248.55-Ja It ~:ran f143.215.248.55er~~:
.Britain.
~ We are not used to think andviolentdemud. Butthe
ing of America in images of current pre_dicament of 1he
poverty: and evenif1re were, Nero is as 1mmodente. The
the portrty which afflicts the
Negrostrtionsof a city like ;~o !~j~hi\gfr~-.~~ a
Detroilisof a kind so bizarre in the South, of Cil·il Rights
as to make any European workers, have produced only
threecom•1ctions,andnosen·
experience Irrelevant.
tencc()fmoretha, tenyears.
The whole story takes a lot
And even moderate Negro
of telling. But there are
IOIJ}e facts whicb can be leaders fr~I admit their
~(t~rre~


i~J:~


~~e"~tm~i143.215.248.55 ~1


a~ea~e~:


lhescopeandsubt!etyofthe
h:fu!:,k;~
., ~~uf~:nA::;fc~n
a moment when Amenca s
worse after all we've bee,,
through.. there's something
fe
-Onein1hreeoftheNegroes 0a143.215.248.55; t;~on~ilie~::. :~:
in most Northern cities are Je:Vs, the u.nions-the whole
unemployed, or as good as
143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)r v::143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)c/ as H~?! ~!~
Ja~:~pbof; adrt~ ~~r~itt!b143.215.248.55 such faithin theabililyof
survey);
thissociety tomm·ethathe's
a~dressingonlytheNegroes."
- ....To.irteeayE>ars after the
Supreme Court outla11,ed \1, ACCORDING1.9 Walfer l.ipp.
there ls more segregatlon m
theschools thane1•erbefore; ~!~~cte/ c: me~e~~:i'ir: ..nfhs!
race problem as we know Ills
-In aperiodofunparal!eled really
theby·productof our
boom, after six years on
steady economic expansion, plan!ess: ~isordered, bedrag·
gled,
drifting democracy,
medianincomesin theurban
"Until
we ha1·e learned to
g h e t t oes (where most
Negroes live)hn edecreased
~i~::b-Od;.v:~~be~~-t
during the 1960s.
a ·self.respecting sta~us,
This is also after sel'eral guaran.tee his ch•ll liberltes,
years or u n para l l e l e d and bringeducationandp!av
to him, the bulk of our ta)k
16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)e ~~ w143.215.248.55h
about ' the raceproblem'w1II
true. A tragic. automatic
mechanism has been exposed ~~m:ind1~;.ni~\~fu:t"i~h:lolii"e
in American sociely, through relation between black men
which nearly every attempt to andwhitewi!lbe a dirtyone.
helplhepoor-andthepoor In a clean civilisation the two
are. basically, the Negroes-- racescan conduct their busi,
has been transmuted into a ness together cleanly,andnot
device for making the rich unti!then."
richer and lhepoorpoorer
The s l uggishness of
The kind of irony confront- America's
response lo thil
ing America is that the indictment
is indicated by i~
Feder,al money for the urban date. Lippmann was writing
renewal programmes - running thisyearat £200million in 1919.
Th at was the " Re«
~1~i: ;i~fu:i1:f:C~in~s10wft\ Summer," the Jirst or th,
hot ones. More thaa
middle-class housing, which long
twenty
race battlP~ flared IQ
the slum-dwellers cannot
the streets that s_ummer,
afford.
seven
of them cxplodmg.int,
The situation is one !n majorriots.
ln the bl.oodte;\
which a city like Detroit can
be seriously regarded as erupting in ChicJgo m Jul,
" liberal" - although nn ~71:~t~hft~s
Two myths IK'r,·ad* tlit
143.215.248.55li~~ou143.215.248.55p1rr:srath:fe
slncethcearly firties. Against subject. The first i~ lhll.
/iigh~~::::n~:~pei:::rre~faiid
w143.215.248.55l~~


a:g{:~


~;~1ineJ.ric
America has been g_rappling
llrith the problem ~mce the
rivll war a century ago. (This
ls commonly ad1·anced in
Britain to demonstrate that
~ you cannot legislate the
bearts o[ men.) The second
lr!fihis, .thatthe upsurgeof
\•1olencemthe~egroghetloes
of American c1tJes owr the
last rou r Jears is a new
~henomenon
The central truth is that,
right until the end of the
&eetind 11orld war, American
Government \\aS, at least
~~i~aai: ni~:U~1~ee:r~c:~yi
'\l,·oodrow _Wi)son-the man
Jlroudly bringing freedom to
turope at the <'lose of the
6.rst world war-adual!y im·
~~:al ::~~i~~!ti~~ th1: sa~~
period,only the intervention
of the Supreme Court pre·
vented the imposition of
for~al ~part!ieid through
u m \ i:omng legislation
-


'w,dmledh!omany
yemtoargulngti,at
you couldn't legislate
against prejudice
-kn D. iiQal, 11.,1 1~,h,~111
Opptrtu1i1, C11ni11C1~


Ernn Rooscvell's New Deal
was segregationist. In the
rur~l areas the A~r\cultu.ral
Adjustment Adm1mstrat1on
adjusted thousands of Negro
sharecroppers off the land
When these destitute refugees
swelled the urban ghettoes,
the New De al housing
agen~ies turned out to have
policicsrootedm the olddeal.
One agen~y. the Federa!Housmg Admmistration, blocked
mortgages on homes that
Nesroes wanted to buy in
whttesuburbs, The other, lhe
United S t ate s Housing
Authority, financed separate
143.215.248.55si: \it~roj~ ~vit~o~Y,bl143.215.248.55
black developments beeame
merely extensions of the old
ghettoes.
Ell'ecth'ely, the New Deal



t~hio~: ~\~:hJ:~;s0:e~\~




1:~t:::~io~
system with sufficient stark·
ness to ha\'e come to terms
with the basic, eronomic
nature of the Negroplightif anyone had wanted to look
that hard. But the Negro
emerged from the New Deal
ifanythingworsethanhe had


~
~~/143.215.248.55


segreBut in a back.handE>d way
~~r:1~:
~~! Na~lia~~:l ~i: b!h1~hab~~!
Negroespinnedtheir faith for
the next generation: the common front of the Negro
organisations and the wh.ite
labour unions. That alliance
is arguably the single mo~t
important reason why Amen·
can rities enjoyed almost
romplete racial peace for
twentv.one l"ears up to 1964
As ]orig as the grouping held
theNegroeshadatleastsome
powerful allie~ - notably
Walter Reuther's United Auto
Workers-in the jobs market.
' .From the unions' point of
view there was never much
altruism Involved. They were
simply shrel.l'd enough to see
in the 1930s that. with ml\·
lions
uncmplovcd,
the
Negroes would make excellent
strikebreakers unless cor·
ralled.
It was In Detroit, home of
the United Auto Workers,
that the alliance bet11·een
i\"egrocsandthe unionsfinally
sundrred in 1960, when the
while craft unions and industrial unions rejoined fore~.
andall the rraftunions old
distrust of Negroes came to
the fore. It was an ominous
143.215.248.55o143.215.248.55;~~ab~~e Pi:1
skilled and semi-skilled jobs,
to procced.notatonc{',but
merely "•,r1th all deliberate
speed." As the Nes-roes h~~e
learned withgrowmg bllter·
ness, the court could not
have handed the southern
states a more ])('rfertly
fashioned weapon for delay.
Ten years later, sim·eying
t~e rubble of the desegregation programme, a Suprl'me
Court Justice 1'1S mol'l'd lo
remark: "There has betn
entirely too much deltbera·
lion an~. not enough
speed...
Nor has the Government
demonstrated anv m1'.lre
alacrity to enforre·1he 11154
dectsion The 1964 Ciril
RiahtsActwasclear: nomore
[~~tr
~h:f~.
st~u::iraef:~~
offab-Outl.900ofthrSouth's
2,200 school dis!ricts right
11 ot~~ Co~yresJd:~!t~t~
i ;r
decided lo be lenient it was
ten years since the Supreme
Court dceision. but the
schoolscould hal'e e1•cnmore
time to ease themsel\"eS Into
segregation.
Th~ result goes !or to
di1J1:/: ~~e Jo143.215.248.55e~~g~
s uereme Court promises of
ln81hers143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)
went to integrated schools:
by 1965, 5.8percent.;today
only 13 per cent ~ almos!
l4ye_ars since the highest
court m the Jand ruleditw:is
el"efj' child's right
~r'~~"r~:~
~Ge !~ 'Thefactisthatwhile
\~r
!,t1::
143.215.248.55l~~f;gr~s
1i~ce
workers on the lowest rungs
o£the\adder
In the Negroe~' po~t·war
struggle for equality, the
Supreme Court judgment of
~ ~: 01:gt~nsifl!~gr;[:~io~s i~
landmark
But in fact the willingness
of the C~urt to temper the
Constilut1on lo the times
emasculated the l'ietory. A
c9nstilutiona! rig;ht. the Court
~:r:~~:r :t;~:~~1,-143.215.248.55
an1
~~u~~ 143.215.248.55-b eJ:,~rnt~ ~~e;
theUrhanleague ...
hm been kying to
nw,efourNegroesinto
asuburhhichisnot
In anyghetto man's
future,400,000
tenement buildings in
NewYonOty hm
dettrioratedorbeen
demtllshtd
-ld1rfCt10,j,ScMfl 1fl1ci1I
W1rl,CohmfitU1i1!f$i1J
At the time the Supreme
!hhee
\~ro!hr~~ the Court handed down the Court's cautious 1954dedsion
America. confront,d the unpreredenlcddccision that \Vas handed down, the pro·
shortcom1 ngsofher economic de~gregation of schools was cesses which tore Detroit
1
•part thlsmonthhadbttnon
the m()1·e a lrmi: trm<' /And
t~~'i'ci~tih~n1':g~nJinda
book. _published by Ebon)'
magattne,hsts1tasoneofthe
ten best cities for Negro
employment.)
Building the ghelto began
fh!0~e;a£.~~m ~!~~\'n~
11'1E>turnofthel"fntun!here
has been a movement of
!'i"egroes from the southern
farm!andstotheurbannorth·
impelled most 1·1gorousl_1 by


~: !et1~~-~i{d~_mf!°J~m~~li~~


havrmo,ed northsmre 1!!40
-amillionoftheminlhelai;l
tmyears. Tuo.thirdso£all
adult\egroe~ inthenorthem
citieswerebomrnthrsouth.
Mechanisation of the farms
and theuseofchem1<a s,are
making the shne<r11ppen,
1
fi143.215.248.55;~ aJtl~irnf\~s143.215.248.55
are expected to be out of
work in the Mississippi delta
~~;so1~d143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)- an~.a~:ch143.215.248.55'.
~
"}!'t rni143.215.248.55':! ;~ R~tr
att1tudesarc11ot unlikerhose
seen in Britain durine- the
Enclosures mo1·emen! of the
ctghtrenth century·, Some of
them have placed adl'ertisementsofferingto paythebusfares of any Xegroes who
wanttogonorth. Somerura\
rountiesarestarving.outtheir
super_A uous black tenants by
rcfusmg to _take part in
F~d!!r~I food-distnbut:on pro.
grammes.
W[llingor unwilling,scorcs
of Negroes pack their card.
board boxes e1·ery day and
board the buses for Harlem
WattsandDetroit. Theirlife
has not usually helped them
towards handling the urban
experience: naturallvmostof
them are_ trained· o~ly to
chop,are11litcrate
In the norther::i city
centres, the1· find accommodation inbuildings \·acated
11:)iliu;~~oin3~ie~j:~~
pattemofwhite,middle,class
America. The result 1s the
e!timate of the Congressional
Quarterly that by l9i0 at
least fourteen CO!'t'·dties will
ha1·e !)Opulations more than
40percent black. Th:-cchare
pass«! that noint alrcad)
Washington, Baltimore and
Detroit
?Jr lh~
C111i19fd • •nt , .
lea'"e school s~king better
Jobs and homes than their
parents now hare. Our welfare system, l'Jth all its
defects. may yet prevent a
coloured under<lass from
143.215.248.55i~!143.215.248.55e:~!nd;~!~i5o.°143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)
many case. Britam is a lr~s
violent society than the
United States.
Certainly these factors
make it unlikely that rare
riots will hreak out in
Flritain's roloured communitiesdur!ngthenextfewyears,
unless thev are started by
W~1\"j~ 1WSh·
~:::i~g
a! in
ltlspossiblelhatthi!11ill
happen. Forexarnple, J spoke
recently in a We,1 London
churth where there are two
separateyouthclubs.onefor
English. and the other for
Indian children When, at
my insistence, the Indian
children were inl'ited to the
143.215.248.55 16:02, 29 December 2017 (EST)iJ :!!pf~~ ~r:v:01/c~
had to be talled to keep
the pea~ The futuN> of
racerelalionslnthatsuburb
ts ir1 th~ hand~ of those
children, 1nd it rnay well be
1io!pn1
Hnwe E>r, the _teneral ~itu
at10n here, m contr~~t with
Anthony lester
�The death of
Billy furr
APPOINTMENTS
�14





Monday, September 11, 1967
THE CHR.ISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

·o etroit sifts through riot embers for racial lessons
I
By Ric~ard L: Strout
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor
Detroit
Back and forth across the United St ates
in this violent summer of 1967 we have
· traveled now close to 9,000 miles. Some
·scenes have been idyllic; some poignant.
The most shocking thing we have seen is
the charred and angry scar in Detroit left
by a riot which all but paralyzed the nation's fifth largest city for four da ys and
took over 40 lives.
On sleazy 12th Street, driving north one
month later, it looks for a minute like Berlin after the bombing. Here a row of stores
is gutted. Across the way plywood sheathes
bandage smashed windows . A chimney
rises in a burnt-out home like a cellar hole
in an abandoned New England farm. Supporting I-beams still cant against sidewalls. There are pathetic scrawled appeals,
"Soul Brother" meaning a Negro owner.
A cast-iron radiator is held up crazily
against the sky by its connecting waterpipe
in what was formerly a second-story room.
The room is gone.
At its height the riot was like war; tanks
trundled, machine guns spat at snipers,
police sirens howled, fire trucks roared,
arsonists laugh~d and looted. Officials looked
down almost in tears on fires that seemed
to cover the whole town. Here a city foug11t
its own people.
Cost-half-a-billion dollars.
Has the lesson of Detroit been learned by
the rest of the country? In this reporter 's
opinion, no. The lesson is that if it can
happen in Detroit in can happen anywhere.
The forces of destruction an nihilism in
American core cities <)re still there .
Almost a model city ...
Detroit was almost a model city in racial
matters. There was a liberal mayor and
governor, the most advanced summer program in the United States, and complete
communication between officials and the
supposed Negro leaders . It had two · articulate Negro congressmen and one of the
biggest middle-class Negro communities in
the nation.
"We told ourselves it can't happen in
Detroit," said Martin Hayden, chief editorial writer of the Detroit News. He speaks
who wants all the facts but also feels the
with the commitment of a newspaperman
thing passionately as a human being.
The feeling of security helped betray
Detroit.
Trying tactics that were successful a year
b efore, police did not use firearms for a
couple of hours while leaders tried t o " cool
it" with bullhorns. The crowd grew.
" There is no evidence that anything but
an immediate and large show of force will
stop a riot," says city expert James Q. Wilson of Harva rd .
Compressed to oversimplification, here
are three things the riot indicated t o some
who lived through it.
The National Guard isn't trained to handle
a riot. Compared with the performance of
seasoned regular Army paratroopers, who
were finally called in, the guard's performance seemed to some "appalling."
Second, the web of municipal life is more
vulnerable t o civil disorder than ha s been
supposed. The spontaneous, new-style guerrilla tactics of skip-hop, fire bombing can
black out a city.
Finally it is doubtful even yet if the natiol'l
has much notion of what it is up against: a
new, violent urban underclass set apart from
the rest of the community.
It is doubtful if Congress understan ds it.
In a summer where 70 cities have been hit,
the -House recently laughed off the President' s proposed ghetto rat-control bill, 207106.
The reported mood in Washington is that
new poverty funds should be withheld in
or der not to "reward" violence. To an observer here it sounds a t rifle like reverse
racism.
Must all 520,000 Negroes in Detroit, out
of a city of 1,600,000, be taught a lesson?
One of the most striking things in following
the ruins on 12th Street is to note how
destruction stopped abruptly at the little
lawns of the middle-class Negro homes on
adjacent ;,venues. These property- owning
Negroes have the greatest stake in law and
order, as well as t he Negro shopkeepers
whose businesses were sacked and gutted.
The black-power m ilitants lump all whites
together: "Whitey doesn't care! ~'
It would seem tragic if white resentment
should now lump all Negroes together and
finally split the two races into warring
camps.
If social reform can be halted as a punishment for violence then nihilists and Communists can gleefully block it whenever they
see fi t.
There were whites in the Detroit mob. An
editor, a state trooper, a Negro writer all
told of the nightmarish carnival mood of the
affair. The crowds laughed and looted.
Recent United S tates census studies inclicate that the 1960 count missed many N.egroes, perhaps 10 percent. The highest loss
rate wa s in young, adult males. The startling fact appears that one male in sue
simply dropped out of organized society.
But this invisible underclass was on hand
for arson and looting.
"Thi s can happen in any United States
city where a sizable part of the population
is unemployed and unemployable," says
editor Martin Hayden.
Causes are easier to find than amelioratives. The latter are probably more radical;
anyway, than a nation preoccupied with
Vietnam will accept. Well, I boldly offer
the following proposals anyway.
Law and order must be preserved; everybody agrees to that.
More and more people believe that firearms· must be r egulated. The United States
is the only great nation where this isn't
done.
Twenty-seventh in a continuing summe.r
series of reports from a correspondent assigned to tour the United States,
�Cfhe King of Kings
and the
Lord of Lords
"He brought me into the
banqueting house, and his
banner over me was love"
SONG OF SOLOMON
2 :4
�Welcome Your Majesty
The Scriptures show that the Lord is present
and we wish to be among the first to unfurl His
banner of Love. Our own nartional emblem,
just as do the flags of other nations, tend to
separate people and seems to give those of
every nationality the feeling "I am better than
you." But with His Majesty that is not so.
To Him we are all human beings, and all are
dependant upon Him for life.
Signs of His presence. In Daniel 12: 1 we
read "And at that time (this time) shall
Michael stand up, the great Prince which
standeth for the children of the people : and
there shall be a time of trouble, such as never
was since there was a nation." In the second
chapter Dani el tells of a "stone" that was to
smite that great image upon the feet and
break i,t to pieces. The image represented the
Genti le governments of the earth, it struck in
1914 and continues to destroy the nations,
and it is to become "a great mountain (kingdom) and fill the whole earth. It cannot be
stopped for it is God's kingdom. Mountain
means kingdom.
This is that time spoken of by the prophet
Ezekiel. " They shall seek peace and there
shall be non e" ( Ezek. 7 :25). From the time
of Woodrow Wilson and the League of Nations
until this time with United Nations and with
President Johnson and many other fine men
and \vomen pleading for peace, but all in vain.
Our great Creator has reserved the honor of
establishing peace upon the earth for His Son
the Prince of Peace ( Isa. 9 :6 ). He bought
that right by giving Himself as a Ransom
sacrifice for Adam and his posteri,ty.
Does not such a King deserve the fullest
obedience and all the honor and praise possible for man to r.ender? And now let us
consider the laws that shall govern His rei gn.
"Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all
thine hea rt, soul, strength and mind: ·and
the second is like unto it. Thou shalt love
thy neighbor as thy self.
As ye would that others do unto you, do
ye even so unto them."
It is love, can anyone ask for more?
Let us learn to love each other
And treat each man as a brother
Without regard to creed or race
Without regard to time or place.
Today the negro is hating the white man
and the white man is hatin g the negro ; one is
just as wrong as the other. Won't yo u be one
of those to surrend er to His Majesty and lift
up his banner of Love. Th e Lord says " This
is the way, walk ye in it. "
"Love ye one another."
�Blessings for ·All'
Turn to Isaiah 25 :6 and read " And in this
mountain (kingdom) shall the Lord of Hosts
make unto all people, a feast of f~t things."
The same prophet in chapter 35 says "Then
shall the eyes of the blind be opened, and
the ears of the deaf be un-stopped ." "And
an hi ghway shall be there . . . And the ransomed of the Lord shall return, and come to
Zion with songs of everlasting joy upon their
heads." " Yea, they shall sit every man under
his own vine and fig tree and none shall hurt
or make him afraid." "Then shall they say
Lo , this is our God, we have waited for Him'.'
" Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thou ghts : and let him return unto the Lord: and he will have mercy
upon him, and to our God for He will abundantly pardon."
We suggest that all those int~rested in this
line of thought write to the Dawn, in E.ast
Rutherford, New Jersey.


* * *


Published by one of His Majesty's least,
yet a most grateful subject.
Sta nley Milton Tudor
Box 93
Lowell, Michigan
�137 Gri ffiin St., N.
Atlanta, Ga . 30314
w.
Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr.
Mayor City of Atlanta
City Hall
68 Mitchell Street s.w.
Atlanta, Georgia 30303
--·
--·

.--»~_,______
~ -~--.,..-~ - --·-
�-
�.
ATLANTA,GEOROIA
FROM:
Dan E. Sweat,
Jr.
0
For your inform a tion
O
Please refe r co th e attached corr es pondence and -ma ke the
necessa ry reply.
O
Advise me the status of the attached .
FORM 25-4-S
�From
the desk of Cecil Alexander/
�•










C LASS O F S ERVTCE
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T his is o. fas t message
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WESTERN UNION
W . P . MARSHA LL
CH A IRMAN OF T HE BOARD
T ELEG AM
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N L = N ighc Letter
R . W. M c FALL
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The filing time shown io che date line on domestic telegrams is LOCAL TIME at point of origin. Time of receipt is LOCAL TIME at point of destination
VAH383
A LLH188 PD 11 EXTRA FAX ATLANTA GA 7 506P EDT
MAYOR IVAN ALLIN JR
CITY HALL 68 MITCH£LL ST ATLA
ATLANTA, GA., AS YOU MAY ALREADY KNOW IS A CITY THAT RAS A
GOOD REPUTATION IN SO FAR AS RACE RELATIONS .AR£ CONCERNED •
TJE FEIL THAT THIS LENDS ITS SELF TO GOO» BUSINESS CLIMATE BUT
WE HAVE REPORTS J'ROM YOUR RECENTLY OPENED HOTEL THE REGENCY
HYATT HOUSE THAT CAN CAUSE THIS CLIMATE TO BI SOILED. WE ARE
TOLD THAT NEGRO GUESTS AT THIS FACILITY HAVE BEEN TREATED DISCOURTEOUSLY..
wt HAVE BEEN TOLD or THE GROSS DISCRIMINATORY POLICIES
WHICH AR£ PRACTICED BY THE HOTEL IN EMPLOYMENT UNLIKE THOSE
IN SUCH FORWARD CITIES AS WASHINGTON, DC. AND OTHERS WHIR£
OUR STAFF HAS HAD OCCASION TO VISIT. NEGROES IN YOUR PLACE
ARE DENID> MERIT EMPLOYMENT.
sFt2oicR2-oo> W£ HAVE CAREFULLY SURVEYED YOUR HOT[L FOR SEVERAL WEEKS



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AND ARI CONVINCED THAT YOUR HOTEL IS GUILTY or DISCRIMINATION
IN THE ARIAS or EMPLOYMENT AND THAT THERE IS A RELUCTANCE TO
EXTEND CERTAIN COURTESIES TO NEGRO PATRONS. WE THERITORE, URGE
THAT AN IMMEDIATE CONFERENCE BI SCHEDULED BETWEEN OPERATION
BREADBASKET, A DEPARTMENT or THE SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP
CONFERENCE, DR. HARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., PRESIDENT AND TKt
OWNERS or THE RIC£NCY HYATT ROUSE
WE CANNOT OVIR EMPHASIZE THI IMPORTANCE or THIS MATTER
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�... . .
.,
Mrs . L. H. P ound
675 Am s lerdam Avenue
AJanta, Georgia 30306
Dear
ayof Allen:
Congr e tula tions upon your stand ab out
future demonstra tions and riots of the colored folk. They are anything but "pea c f ul a ssemb li es" a s e ll of us know, nd it i s a bout
time they st opped fr om their t hreats of riots
unless the world is ha nded over to them. lt
i s cert a inly intimi dat ion, which if it i sn't
unla ful, should be .
And so I s ha ll loo k for a rd, as a ll
good sensible people ill be , to the results
obtained by your new st and.
S incerely
~-
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�ATLANTA , G E O l'ltGIA
ROUTE SLIP
TO: __M
_a~y~o_ r _ I _v_an
__A_l_l_e_n~'~
FROM:
J_r_. _____________
] . H. Robinson
e::J
F or your informa t i on
D
Pl ease refe r to th e atta che d c orres p ond e nce a nd ma ke the
necessa ry r epl y.
D
Advi se me th e s ta tu s of the a tta ch e d.
F ORM 25-4-R
�ATLANTA,Gll!:OROIA
ROUTE SLIP
FROM: Dan E. Sweat,
~
Jr.
r your information
D
Please refer to the attached correspondence and -make the
necessary reply.
D
Advise me the status of the attached.
FORM 25- 4-S
�. Serving All the Services
An a uthorized puhlicntion of the U.S. Armed F orces. publi~hecl in four
e,Hlions da ilv' at 'l'okyo. J apnn by P acific Sta rs and Stripes. APO 9650::.
for t he CINCPAC under oppra tional control of CINCUSARPAC. Eclitor int
opinions exprc~sed a re not necessarily those of the Department of Defense.
This pai::e is intended to present various views on issues of the clay,
Opinions nrc n ol ccessarily those of this n ewspaper.
P acific Star s :tncl Stripes is dis tributed to authorized 11crsonncl in the
PACOM nrea ·for 10 cents dail~·. 15 cents Sntnrday (or Sundn.~·) . Subscriptions are S2.!i0 monthly or $30.00 yearly a nd must b e paid in advance per
AR 230-5 rtnd AFR 176-1. (Personnel in Vietnnm are a uthorizrd pn.pers
without charge through their unlL) Second class p o. tage pnid. nt Post
Office, San Francisco. Cal.
Lt. Col. William V. Schmitt, USA .... , ,. .. ,, ., , Officcr-in-Cliari::e
i\fo j. I,:d Swinney. USAF .................... Executive Officer
Cnpt. D"Arcy E Gt·is icr, USMC ... Administrative, Lial~on ~fficer
Lt. Col. Ro)' 'l'hompFon Jr., USA ................ . , OIC. Vietnam
Gordon A. Skcan ................................ C-<'n c r :1 l ' i\fan ag-cr
1.i:rn c,~t A. Rich ter ••••••• , , ••••••••••••• , ••••• , • ?.-Ianng-in g r~ditor
Bruce
Biossc:tt
Why Atlanta Has
Cause for Worry
ATLANT~
TLANTA, like the great northern citi_es, is worri~d
about its summertime. Memory of its two rac1a
"disturbances" last September still runs strong.
Those bl'ief but explosive events sullied Atlanta's
image as t he perfect model of a racially harmonious southern city.
A
Both white and moderate Negro leaders are concerned that
worse outbursts could occur in 1967.
Rumors nm through Atlanta that militant, even radical,
elements a re preparing to take advantage of any trouble tha t
might develop. There are reports of small
, - . ,;~:->>.:! . . , ., arms being sold on the streets to Negro
.~----·~~.~
~-.,_ teen-agers.
.
-~ ... ..,. !'.,.; \
What really lies at the base of this unsettled mood is the fact tha t Atlanta, one
of the nation's real boom towns, has no,
grown to the point where it has taken o~
the problems and difficulties of the typica
modern American metropolis.
Its special immunity is vanishing.
"model" aspects are blun-ed and may
be one altogettLer
Says one Negro leader here:
"What the city is finding out is tha
this whole movement is not about a han
burger (lunch counter dc.-egregation) . ff.
about better schools, housing and job.-."
A white scholar add :
BIOSS/\T
" We in Atlanta have progressed cnoug
to have acqui red some of the same problems northem cities have
And we're stupid enough to have created some or the sam
problems, too."
Currently the city is torn by argument over loca tion o
certain new Negro housing.
Under Mayor Ivan Allen, some low-rent public hou ·ing uni
and some privately financed Negro dwellings are planned for ju
one large area where Negro housing is already heavily concentrated
NAACP leaders are bitterly contesting the plan on the ground i
will fo ter further growth of a sector that is well on the way t
becoming the city's single . huge Negro ghetto. They want the ne
construction spread beyond this southwest Atlanta area.
FOR LONG years, a good part of the city's Negro populatio
was, in fact. scatter ed widely in "poverty pocket.-" of varyin
size. The commercial boom, tile freeway network and ur ba
renewal have combined to v.ripe out many of the e pocke
altogc•ther. Others are on the way to disappearin!!. Displace
Negroes move to the swelling southwestern "wedge" wl1ere it ·,
now propo. ed to add the controversial housing.
The issue is not yet re olved. But leaders see it as a troubl
some factor in the equation that keeps Atlanta in haky peace.
A moclc•stly hopeful step, growing out of ta. Se1itellllit:nviolence. was the city's creation of a Community Relation Commi.
ion- a 20-memher group led by a respected attorney, lrvina Kah le
N~g,~oes and whites ajjke commend the inquisitive heari;~~s co1
m1ss1011 panels have held in various slum sector . Slum residcn
have had ample chance to air grievances.
But, since the commission has only advisory authority. 01
Negro leaders are skeptical of the prospect of m uch real benefit.
The c-rcdit to Atlanta for smoothly desegregating public ~
commodahons and some schools has worn thin. l\Iost Neg
leaders today sec the city as just another Chicago or Clcvelan<.I
11ut domg enough about schools, jobs and hou, ing.
(Newspaper Enterprlse Assn.)
The most difficult of all virtues is the forgiving spin
Revenge seems to be natural with man; it is human
want to get even with an enemy.
- William Jennings Bry
�1~" £0'T Juil.~ 67 AC0'7
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�FROM:
Ivan Allen,
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For your information
D
Please refer to the attached correspondence and make the
necessary reply.
D
FORM 25-4
Advise me the status of the attached.
�For lnstanre, while Ahmeo ran s, Aaolpl:i
Hitler" r oams. He is the bearded, long-haired
white youth wh'J commands the Deuces, a
local motorcycle club that is patterned on
• California's Hell's Angels and vows allegiance to George Lincoln Rockwell's American
Nazi Party. Dur ing last summer's Hough riot
the Deuces, decked out in Levis, animal-skin
vests and chromed Nazi helmets, roared
through the ghetto . flailing with chains at
Negroes. " This is probably the group around
which other white gangs will rally should an
outbreak occur," declares a social worker.
Both Ahmed and Adolph, and the circumstances that charge their activities with danger, are known to the police and presumably
to the man who sits atop the Cleveland powder
keg-Mayor Ralph Locher. Yet conversation
with city officia ls turns up little hope of pre·
venting n ew racial violence. Rather, discussion
centers on when, where a nd how it will occur.
Mayor Locher, a Democrat, up for reelec·
tlon next fall, tries hard to accentuate the positive. "We're progressing nicely on many
fronts," he says. But his optimism evaporates
when he is questioned about the possibility of
r iots this summer. "No mayor can guarantee
peace," he replies.
Others in the Locher administration and
private welfare-agency officials com e close to
predicting conflict. Mrs. Lolette Hanserd, a
director of the Welfare Federation , an organization coordinating the activities of the city's
social service agencies, has been receiving increasing reports of black and white gangs not
only organizing but arming. "If the Negroes
don't stir up trouble, then some whites may
be trigger-happy," she says forlornly.
An SOS to Washington
Most pessimi tic of all is the director of
Mr. Locher·s human r elations board, Bertram '
Gardner. He fears a n outbreak this summer
larger than last summer's. "I suspect that it
won' t be confined to th e Negro community,"
he says. "I'm afraid it will extend to the
white communities and downtown - not a massive movement but guerrilla warfare."
White neighborhoods n ext to Negro ghettos
share these fears . The Justice Department in
Washington already has r eceived an appeal
for help from a social worker in Murray Hill ,
known as "Little Italy," which has been selected by some Negroes as a target for demonstrations this summer. If this happens,
warns the sorial worker, "violence could
erupt." He adds plaintively: "Our experience
with local law-enforcing agencies has not been
as comforting as we would like."
Underlying such pessimism is the feeling
that much of Cleveland's attempt to deal with
its racial problems has fa iled, and that those
groups that might be expected to join in a
leadership effort are alienated from one another.
City Hall and the Federal Government are
at odds.
During the past 15 years or so, the city,
eighth largest in the U.S. with a 1960 population of 876,050, has drawn up plans for
a dozen urban renewal projects; it now surpaases all other metropolises in acreage
tabbed for renewal. Yet Cleveland has been
able to close the books on only one project.
a pace so slow that Housing and Urban Development Secretary Weaver has begun cutting oft the city's urban-renewal money. His
·'J,,,
Pl6asa Turn to Page 16, Column 2

�·voL. CLXIX NO. 50
Racial Powder Keg
Negro-White Hostility
Mounting in Cleveland
As City's Efforts Fail
Armed Youth Gangs Growing;
Mayor Blamed by Business,
Established Negro Leaders
CORE, Reds, Klan E ye City
By MONROE W. KAlij\1IN and DAVID
Sta // Re,po1·t6)"8 o/
VIENNA
Tim WALL STREET JOURNAL
CLEVELAND - To Ahmed, the high priest
of Negro militancy here, the white man is a
"bea.st" to be overcome. He predicts May 9
will be the "terrible day" that the anger of
this city's black ghetto erupts into violence partly because, by his calculations, that will
be the day when an eclipse of the sun darkens
th e sky.
,
Because of his devotion to astrology, Ahmed
Is dismissed by many white Cl evelanders who
doubt that astrology has any value. Besides,
Ahmed, whose real name is Fred Evans,
was arrested last week on charges of assault·
ing a police officer; he has been released on
$5,000 bond.
Nevertheless,
Ahmed's warnings
that
"blood must flow" and "some must die" are
gospel to a small but growing number of followers, who gather every other Thursday night
to hear him or other Negro radicals conduct
what they call "dialogues in black." And
though these sessions m ay be a muddle of
mysticism and menace, they are all too
symptomatic of the tensions that make this
city one of the n11tion 's leading racial trouble
spots. Even to 1;ome city officials, Cleveland's
Inability to make a significant start toward
coping with rar ial discontent seems to foreshadow a sequel , when the weather warms, to
last summer's five-day riot in the "tough
Hough" :;.!um that left four dead.
Fears In Washi ng1on
That also is the feeling of those In Washington who kPep watch on racial developments.
John A. Hannah, chairman of the U .S. Civil
Rights Commission, which hPld hearings here
last year, says lhe a ccounting of (Cleveland's)
accomplishments is very short, and the agenda
of Its unfinished business ls very long." Another civil rights specialist asserts that "what
makes Cleveland different from other cities"
in its potentiality for a racial explosion "is
its complete lack of effective leadership" on
the part of City Hall, the business community and the respon11iblP Negro organizations.
Thi11 le;idership vacuum and its effects are
apparent to anyone who peers behind the ' ty,,;ltlve Image " that Cleveland offirialrlom SPeks
to projer.t. OntsidP organizations ranging frnm
natinnal civil right~ groups to whitP·SUpremacy
group.:: , a re marking ClevP!and as an arena
! or artion th1l'I sr•·1ng Within thP city, for
every anti -,\ r.,I P Negro i:rroup there is an
• i 1 d anti-N
white g1·oup.
�-~ Racial Powder Keg: Negro-White
inoe·
Hostility Is Mounting in Cleveland
Continued From Page One
reason: The " long history of negotiations with,
and broken promises from, the local government." Mayor Locher accuses Mr. Weaver of
unfairness.
· City Hall and the Cleveland business community are at odds.
The Inner City Action Committee, led by
Chairman Ralph Besse of Cleveland Electric
Illuminating Co ., was created after the 1966
Hough riots, to help the city cope with its
racial problems. But after six months it
severed relations with the mayor because
" the city administration will not accept meaningful assistance and coordination." Mr.
Locher · accuses the businessmen of playing
politics with the well-being of the people of
Cleveland.
City Hall and the responsible Negro leadership are at odds.
' 'Frequently when it's most needed, the
Negro leadership just isn't there," the mayor
charges. Leo Jackson, a Negro city councilman, replies with equal intensity: "Lecher's
a decent, honest, sincere gentleman, but you
can't be a gentleman and cope with the problems of this town. You've got to be a hardfisted, practical guy who'll take risks."
Established Negro leadership and the Negro community are at odds.
A training progra m sponsored by the National Associa tion for the Advancement of
Colored People and the Urban League has
flopped badly in its aim of getting Negroes
into building trades jobs. Ernest C. Cooper,
the Urban League director, says: "We were
in the position of preparing people to be put
on shelves." With this failure , the NAACP
and Urban League dropped another notch In
the esteem of Cleveland's Negroes. According
to one civil rights s pecialist, "The NAACP
couldn't mobilize a picket line of 10 people
now.
The Negro community and the police are
at odds.
Harlell Jones, a slender Negro Identified
by a grand jury as a leading figure in last
summer's riots, but never indicted, and who
now works as a building maintenance man
In Hough, assesses the current mood of the
ghetto as worse than a year ago. The reason? "Police brutality," he says. Police Chief
Richard Wagner replies: "We h ave no critics
west of the Cuyahoga; we cannot appease
those east of the Cuyahoga." Most whites live
on the west side of the Cuyahoga River,
which runs through the middle of Cleveland;
most Negroes live on the east side.
Movement ln the Schools
Still, Mr. Wagner has established a new
community relations unit in the department
and has opened eight new police athletic centers for slum youths. Also, there has been
some movement in education. A new school
board has Initiated the construction of some
new schools, the opening of more kindergartens, libraries and vocational classrooma, and
the creation of a supplementary education
center to draw white and Negro pupils for
specialized instruction.
"The only bright spot I can think of ls
our schools, says Alan Kandel of the Jewish
11
,..
some authorities expect Communist operatives
to be active here this year; the grand jury
investigating last summer's Hough riots found
evidence of Communist Party participation.
Local organization is proceeding on both
sides of the color line. The United Black
Brotherhood (UBB), formed last fall and regarded by Police Chief Wagner as "militantly
racial," is actively involved in the "dialogues
in black" that present Ahmed and others to
the Negro community. The supposed aim of
the "dialogues" is to steer militants away
from violence and toward peaceful protest.
But police say the effect is to unite Negroes
under the UBB banner.
Lewis Robinson, identified by a grand jury
as a leader in last summer's riots but never
indicted, and now a participant In the "dia·
logues," says of them: "We've had factional ism . Now we want to pull all these things together." He views rioting as "productive and
good, a warning that drastic measures must
be taken."
Harlell J ones also believes Negroes should
crowd into a single group for "political" purposes. He plans to strike out on his own this
month to organize such a group.
White Organizing
An organizing drive among whites is being
planned by Rob ert Annable, chairman of the
Cleveland-based National Christian Conservative Society and also head of the North American Alliance of White People. Mr. Anna ble,
who believes that Negroes are "culturally and
intellectually inferior," will begin holding ral·
lies . in May. William Murphree, vice president
of the White Citizens Council of Ohio subscribes to many of Mr. Annable's beliefs and
also !)!ans rallie11.
The special targets of all these racial organizers, whether they admit it or not, are the
youngsters of this "city of nations," most of
whom live in neighborhoods that are sharply
segregated along nationality as well as racial
lines. Murray Hill is largely Italian, Sowinski
Park largely Polish, Hough largely Negro, and
so on.
As the pressures of social change have
mounted, what once were youth clubs have
become gangs and now, say social workers
and police alike, they are turning more viciously racist. "We know that white and Negro
youth gangs now are clashing," says Mr. Kan·
de!, "and we didn't have that before."
In Collinwood, a white neighborhood next to
the Negro Glenv_ille section, a young fellow
in his twenties says: "When the civil rights
groups said they were going to march this
summer in our neighborhood, a bunch of the
guys tn our club decided to form vigilante
groups." The "club" he refers to is a neighborhood social club. Mrs. Hanserd of the Welfare
Federation says, "We keep hearing there's a
bUlldup of guns in the Collinwood area.
"Ohaln Gang" Target Practice
In Sowinski P!!,rk, members of the white
Chain Gang recently have acquired shotguns .
"They're practicing with the guns in the base ·
ment of one member's home, shooting at pa·
per targets they can 'niggers,' " R. social worker says. "The purpose for the guns, they say,
Is to defend them
�he
creation of
a
supp emen ary
e uca :Ion '
~
.,
.
,o 5"""
m •• e oase-
to a r aw w te and egro pupils or ment of one m em ber's home, shooting at papecialized instruction.
per targets they call 'niggers,' " a social work"The only bright spot I can think of 1s er says. "The purpose for the guns, they say,
our schools," says Alan Kandel of the Jewish is to defend themselves against the Negroes
Community Fe~eration.
-when the 1·iots come again this sum m er."
There are ollier activists a t work, but wl~ In another white section, on the west ern
much visi ble r esult. The Businessmen s fringe of Hough, signs tacked on telephone
1out
[nterrac!al _C ommittee on Community Affairs poles and painted on buildings warn " Nigger ,
· s conscientious but, says Mr. Cooper, a m em- this ls All ey Rat territor y keep y u
t"
0 r ass ou ,
lb
" th '
in 1 d
tly in Jong range

er,
ey re
vo ve mos . ,,
·
or urge "Wallace fo r P resident." This ls the
planning, not immediate a.ction. Two wood- work of the Alley Rats gang whose member s
.
'
pr oducts trade associations have announced
workers say,. have attended m eetmgs. of
th
pIans t o re ha bil I·t a t e a sec ti on of H oug h , but social
the project is said to be stym ied by slum
e_American Nazi P a rty in Detroit and Pittslandlords who have jacked up prices. Other bwgh._ The Outlaws, a Cleveland m otor cycle
public and private r eha bilitation projects club, is reported laying plans to attack the
Checkere d Cher ubs, a Negro mo torcycle club.
amount to a drop in the bucket.
Mayor Locher, for his par t, has some plans
The United Black Brotherhood, whose
he expects to r eveal as election time ap- strongholds have been found by police to conproaches. He already has r epaved some slum ta in fi re bombs, has begun wi thin the past
treets, installed new street lights, and hauled few weeks to instruct som e Negro youth gangs
off the streets hundreds of junked cars. Soon in "guerrilla warfa re." Police Chief Wagner
he hopes to start a citywide rat control pro- says the UBB has ma de contact with the
gram, collect ghetto trash weekly instead of P onderosas, a 200-member group preoccupied
monthly, let some contr acts for play areas until re cently with vandalism but now turnand "vest-pocket" par ks , and augm ent the ing increasingly a nt i-white.
city's supply of housing inspector s, policemen
A similar turn, says the police chief, has
and medical personnel.
been detected among other Negro gangs ,
'loney Problem s
such as the Delamores, the Devil's Disciples
But all this costs money, and the mayor is and the Marqui s. " They' re getting away from
paving his tr oubles on that score. Voters de- gang a ctivity and are forming militant racial
teated a city income tax in 1965. Last year the organizations,' ' Mr. Wagner declares.
ity council ena cted a tax to be effe ctive this
past J a n. 1, but disgruntled citizens have
forced the levy to another ballot box test, to
~e held in May or June. " If the t ax is deI
feated," says Mr. Locher, " then there will
have to be a severe cutback" in his plans.
Anyway, the m ayor is willing to move only
o far . To him some specific recomm endaions for ea sing racial tension in Cleveland Boost in Common and Preferred,
dvanced by the Civil Rlghts Com mission are
Creation of a N ew Pref erred
'poppycock," and he Is steadfastly Jo yal to his
city officials. The Inner City Action ComTo Enable Further Diversifying
, ittee, in offering to supply the city with dollar-a -year m en to unsnarl the urban r enewal
I
tangle , insisted on the removal of the city's
By a, WALL STREET J OURNAL Sta,f! R eporter
}.'ban renewal chief. The mayor refused.
ST. LOUIS - Interco Inc. shareholders
Mr. Locher is looking to Washington for
ome new help. The White House is expected clear ed the way for further diversification of
o announce soon a crash program to provide the company by voting to increase a uthorized
obs for unemployed Negroes in 19 cities, and common by fou r million shares, and the exlethe mayor believes Cleveland will be one. But ing preferred by 327,060 shares in addition
, r. Kandel of the Jewish Community Feder - to creating a new prefer r ed issue of one miltlon, who has been In on some of the local lion shares.
Janning, is not enthusiastic. "It's too
However, aside from a pending a cquisiate," he says. "They're talking about placing
,000 p eople by June, and that'll onl y three tion of Sam Shainberg Co., Memphis, Tenn .,
operator of 79 junior department stores, for
1onths away."
Less than two months away Is the " dooms- 410,000 shares of the present preferred, Interco
tlay" pinpointed by Ahmed. He is quite correct isn 't seriously studying any possible acquisin predicting an eclipse of the sun on May 9, tions , Norfl eet H. Rand, vice chairm an of the
ut authorities say the eclipse will be partial board and treasurer, said after the meeting.
nd won't tum the Qleveland sky dark. And
Since 1964, Interco has pursued an active
hmed's forecast of revolt may be wildly diversification program. It operates 210 junio~
xaggerated . But other events scheduled for department stores, eight work and play clotheveland soon are likely to arouse racial ing factories and six retail hardware stores
empers.
plus its shoe manufacturing and retailin
operations. "We're interested primarily in the
nter Martin Luther King
The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. will visit soft goods, although we'd consider any field
leveiand soon to help prepare for simulta- that looked promising," Mr. Rand said.
eous demonstrations this summer here and in
Sales and earnings in December and Janther cities. The militant Congress of Racial uary, the first two months of the company's
quality (CORE) has narrowed its search for fiscal year, showed an improvement over the
summer "demons tration city" to Cleveland, similar period a year earlier, the executive
akland, Calif., and Newark, N.J. A spokes- said. And th ere will be "an improvement"
an here says it Is ;,quite possible" that Cleve- for the quarter ended Feb . 28 from the first
and will be the final choice.
period of fiscal 1966, when Interco earned
" If CORE makes Cleveland its target city," $3,861,227, or $1.09 a share, on sales of $106,ays J . B. Stoner, vice chairman of the white- 639,944 , excluding results of Idaho Departmen
upremacist National States Rights Party, Store Co., acquired in February 1966.
' we 'll come to Cleveland to stage peaceful
Mr. Rand also predicted higher sales and
ounter-demonstrations." Last summer, after earnings for the year ending Nov. 30, even
States Rights Party rally in Baltimore, without a contribution from Sam Shainberg
he 1966 CORE demonstration city, whites a.nd Co. On a pro-forma basis for last year, for
egroes tangled in the streets.
instance, Shainberg would have contributed 18
The Ku h."lux Klan is preparing for an or- cents a share, after preferred dividends, to Ina nizatlonal meeting In this city in a few terco 's reported earnings of $14,598, 000, or $3.91
•eeks . There are reports that the American a share, on sales of $469,100,000. Results of
azi Party intends activity here this spring. Idaho Department Store Co. were included
t t'he other end of the political spectrum, only for nine months.
1
lnterco Inc. Holders
Vote Stoc k Jncreases
.

'
�,
JONATHAN P . BRAUDE
4136 ROSE H I LL AVENUE
CINCINNATI, OHIO 452 2 9
lay 1 9 , 1967
Dear Sir,
I am a devot ed Braves fan and have been readi ng up on Atlant a .
The city has had a fi ne his-
tory of preventing r cia l trouble , but last Sept ember, as you are well aware of , there was a
sudden racial problem.
I would be v ery apprec-
iative if y ou would let me know what has taken
plac e in Atlanta (referri ng to r ac i a l probl ems)
since last September .
Th~nk y ou very muc h .
Sinc erely,
Jon Braude

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