Box 16, Folder 5, Document 134

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number of them could be brought home
without weakening Europe’s defenses.~

It is long past time that Europeans make
a larger contribution to thelr own defense.
_ Furthermore, excessive American troop
commitments to Europe are very costly in
tax dollars and in dollar exchange.

It is one of the main causes for the con-
tinuing unfavorable balance of payments
which permits forelgn governments, such as
France, to build huge dollar claims against
the United States.

Dramatizing the need to bring substantial
numbers of our troops home from Europe is
the latest drop in our gold stocks of $116,-
000,000 in July, the biggest monthly decrease
in more than a year.

As often has been the case, France was the
biggest purchaser of United States gold, con-
verting about $98,000,000 of its dollar claims

into gold.

Mr. SYMINGTON. I also ask unani-
mous consent that an editorial published
in the New York Daily News of Septem-
ber 8, 1966, entitled “Guest Editorial”
with respect to the actions of General de
Gaulle, be printed in the Recorp at this

There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered tobe printed in the Recorp,
as follows: ~~


By Senator Stuart Symincron, Democrat,
of Missouri, during Senate debate Tuesday
on @ proposal to reduce U.S. forces in West

“Paper gold we have been printing in in-
creasing quantities for a great Many years.
At the same time, these European countries
our tr continue to protect have been
quietly collecting our real gold .. . If we sit
back and do nothing, and Gen. de Gaulle
continues his political and economic on-
Slaughts against this country, he could place
in Jeopardy the integrity of the dollar.”


Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the Recorp an editorial entitled “Rioting
in Atlanta,” published in the Washington
Evening Star of Thursday, September 8,

There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the Rrcorp,
a8 follows:


The most surprising thing about the riot
in Atlanta is that if should have happened
there. For Atlanta, by general agreement,
has been a model for southern cities in ite
race relations.

Mayor Ivan Allen Jr, has walked the last
mile in search of racial peace, He had almost
solid Negro support when elected. He was
one of the few southerners to testify in sup-

‘port of the 1964 civil rights bill. He has
added Negroes to the police force. Atlanta's
schools and city facilities are totally inte-
grated. Many Negroes are employed by busi-
ness establishments and the city has sent
eight ‘Negroes to the state legislature.
: Al of this counted for nothing, however,

ing police officers. When some 500’ or more
Negroes took to the streets the mayor
of an automobile and tried
them. He was shouted down.
hite devi” and “black power”



Sr., who lives in Atlanta, was heard to ask:
“What do they want? The mayor came down.
He tried to speak to them and they wouldn't
listen. What do they want?”

It was a good question, but hard to answer.
For most of the members of the mob may
not have known themselves what they
wanted—unless it was an excuse to throw
rocks and rant about police brutality.

The mayor says the riot was deliberately
caused by some of Stokely Carmichael’s SNCC
henchmen, and he may be right. For the
mob began shouting “Kill the white cops”
after SNCC representatives, according to
the police, spread the false word that the
suspected car thief “had been shot while
handcuffed and that he was murdered.”

Whatever may have been the case with the

. Yloters, it seems clear that what the SNCC

people want is trouble, trouble, trouble,
And that is what they are going to get,
though not in the form they want, if this
sort of madness keeps up,


Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the
distinguished senior Senator from Illi-
nois, Senator Doucias, not only has the
most thorough economic background of
any man in this body, he also has the
marvelous gift of being able to convey his
vast store of wisdom to his colleagues in
the Senate as well as the public at large.

Despite a hectic Senate schedule and
the increasing pressures of a major re-
election campaign he has found the time
to write a comprehensive and scholarly
work on trade, tariffs, and the balance of
payments. Furthermore, this book,
“America in the Market Place,” has been
greeted with virtually unanimous ac-
claim. Let we quote a representative
comment from the New York Times re-
view written by economist Robert

This admirably written exposition of
America's place in the world economy effec-
tively mingles lucid exposition, personal ex-
perience and policy prescription, I have seen
no clearer account of the reasoning that
underlies the traditional attachment of
Anglo-Saxon economists to free trade...

Not only is the book given top grades
by the academic community, but it has
won the important accolade of being
completely relevant to the debate carried
on in the Nation's newspapers and maga-
zines over the important economic issues
oi the day.
Journal, in an editorial, cites the book in
arguing against certain types of interna-
tional commodity agreements as a means
of promoting the economies of under-
developed nations.

Senator Dovcias’ book stands as a
tribute to the brilliance and industry of
one of the finest lights of the Senate.
To find time among one’s Senate duties
to writé a major book is rare.. To find
the energy to create a work that has both
popular and academic appeal while
maintaining Senator Doverass’ high
standard of Senate activity is rarer still.

My hat goes off fo my good friend from.

Mr. President, I a unanimous con-

For example, the Wall Street

September 9, 1966

There being no objection, the review
and editorial were ordered to be printed
in the Recorp, as follows:

[From the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 8, 1966]


Despite the many billions of dollars of aid
from the U.S. and other nations, the econ-
omies of the world’s less developed coun-
tries are growing more slowly than in the

The authority for that discouraging assess-
ment is Paul Prebisch, secretary-general of
the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development. Even more discouraging,
however, are some of his organization's pro-
posed attacks on the problem.

Under the UN group's plan, more of the
exports of developing countries would be
brought under international commodity
agreements, of the sort that now covers cof-
fee. Moreover, poorer nations would get pref-
erential treatment for their exports even
while they were increasing tariffs against
goods from the richer countries.

Superficially, this program may seem to
have some appeal; at least the less advanced
nations would be trying to lift themselves
mainly through trade instead of endless
grants and loans. Yet as Senator Paul H.
Douglas indicates in a new book, “America
in the Market Place," it's questionable
whether this combination of price-fixing and
protectionism is really the best approach > to
the poorer nations’ problem.

Though the commodity agreements sup-

ly are aimed only at “stabilizing”
markets, the Senator notes that their true
goal usually has been to push prices upward.
While increased profits on a product such as
coffee, for example, may be of some general
benefit to the economy of the producing na-
tion, in the past they have chiefly aided an
rather small group of wealthy planters and

Furthermore, coffee consumption does not
normally rise with income, so a price boost
is a relatively greater burden on lower-in-
come consumers. Senator Dovanas com
ments: “What a price increase of this
does, therefore, is to compel the poor ‘and
those of moderate means in the United
States and other consuming countries to
subsidize, among others, the rich planters
in the producing countries.”

The subsidy, though, may be shortlived, ;
since the price-pegging pacts are prone | to
eventual failure. In the case of coffee, the
Senator says, it's doubtful that the Af:
countries will long be satisfied with their

allotted 22% of the market, If they with- ws

draw and start exporting more, the producing i
nations may wind up worse off than they
were before the cartel was set aRi |

For our part, we find the plan to discrim-
inate against imports irom industrial
countries equally unencouraging, ‘The 7
vious aim is to develop more manufacturing
in the less adyanced lands. Unfortunately,
where this approach has been and is being
tried, the poorer nations haye tended too
often to waste their scarce resources. on -
projects—meanwhile denying their people
the chance to buy much cheaper 1
tured goods from more advanced cou

A more promising effort of Mr. Prebisch’s
group is its campaign to reduce or
tariff barriers among Jess. devel
tries. Perhaps the | )

broader free trade if some of h ij
countries would do ne
kets. to. goods a ab TOs

_ external policies. For
_ them Bee ene tore st

a a


September 9, 1966

we obtain as many pleas of guilty accom-
panied by a confession or admission as we
did without such additional evidence.

Of the 222 defendants who had elther
court or jury trials 85% were found guilty.
Of those found guilty there were one-third
who had made an admission or confession.
Admissions were present in 45 of those guilty
verdicts and in only two of these matters
were the admissions excluded because of
Dorado. The trial deputies indicate that in
only three of those cases where they ob-
tained a guilty verdict did they feel that
the admission was essential in order to ob-
tain such conviction.

There were no court or jury acquittals in
which a confession was admitted. There
were no acquittals in any case where there
was a confession even though one con-
fession was excluded because of Dorado.

There were four acquittals in cases where
an admissiom was excluded but there were
also seven acquittals wherein admissions
were admitted.

Again because of the limited sample and
the limited nature of the questionnaire it
would be difficult to arrive at any significant
conclusion except to venture the view that
Dorado is not presenting a difficult problem
in the prosecution of current cases.

If there is any further information or ex-
Planations of these figures that you desire,
please let me know.

(Copies: Evelle J; Younger, District Attor-
ney; Harold Ackerman, Chief Deputy Dis-

trict Attorney.)



' (a) Total defendants, 616.

(b) Defendants no confession or admis-
sion, 367.

(¢) Defendants confession or admission,

(d) Complaints issued—no confession or
admission, 236.

(e) Complaints issued—confession or ad-
mission admissible, 202.

(1) Sufficient evidence without confession
or admission to sustain conviction, 149.

(2) Insufficient evidence without confes-
sion or admission to sustain conviction, 53.

(1) Total rejections, 178.

(g) Rejections—insufficient evidence with-
out confession or admission and cop eeson
or admission inadmissible, 2.

(1) Dorado? 2.

(2) Delay, 0.

(3) Involuntary, 0-

(4). Other, 0.

(8) Confession or admission admissible,
rejection for other reason, 45.

(1) Rejection—no confession or admission,


Total defendants, 363.

Defendants no confession or admission,

Defendants confession or admission, 198.

Confession or admission introduced and
received, 139.

Confession or admission introduced and
not received, 2.

(1) Dorado, 0.

(2) Delay, 0.

(3) Inyoluniary, 0.

(4) Other, 2.

Confession or admission not introduced, 52.

2 Dorado, 0.
Delay, 1.

a involuntary, 0.

(4) Other? 51.

1One of these ts not completely certain—
information sheet Incomplete,

° Most not introduced if not needed to hold
defendant to answer—ofiice time saving pol-
icy at preliminary level.

No. 1624


Confession or admission and plea of guilty,
Confession or admission and dismissal
for refiling, 1

Total defendants, 318.

Total pleas of guilty, 96.

(1) Accompanied by admission, 18.

(2) Accompanied by confession, 31.

(3) Unaccompanied by extrajudical state-
ments, 47.

Total dispositions of guilty, no confessions
or admissions involved, 126.

Total confessions, 49.

Total admissions, 74.

Court or jury disposition of guilty accom-
panied by admission, 45.

(1) Effect of admission on guilty disposi-
tion: Surplusage, 1; enhance, 36; essential, 3;
unknown, 3.

(2) Guilty disposition accompanied by ad-
mission excluded by Dorado, 2.

Court or jury disposition of guilty accom-
panied by confession, 18.

(1) Effect of confession on guilty disposl-
tion: Surplusage, 0; enhance, 12; essential, 3.

(2) Guilty accompanied by confession, ex-
cluded because of no intelligent waiver, 1.

(3) Guilty accompanied by confession ex-
cluded by Dorado, 1.

(4) Guilty accompanied by confession ex-
cluded by Aranda, 1.


Court or Jury disposition of not guilty, no
confessions or admissions, 22,

Court or Jury disposition of not guilty ac-
companied by admission, 11.

Court or jury disposition of not guilty ac-
companied by admission admitted, 7.

Court or jury disposition of not guilty ac-
companied by admission excluded, 4.

(1) Reason for exclusion: Aranda, 2; un-
Known, 2.

Court or Jury disposition of not guilty ac-
companied by confession or confession
admitted, 0.

Total confessions excluded, 3.

(1) Dorado, 1.

(2) Aranda, 1.

(3) No intelligent waiver, 1.

(4) Effect of exclusion on disposition: dif-
ferent result, 0: no effect, 3.

Total admissions excluded, 6.

(1) Dorado, 2.

(2) Aranda, 2.

(3) Unknown, 2.

(4) Effect of exclusion on disposition: dif-
ferent result, 4 (Aranda and unknown); no
effect, 2 (Dorado); unknown, 0.

[ENcLOsuURE 3]


We have now tried the murderer of Lewis
Grego three times. Grego was shot by con-
fessed-murderer Dan Clifton Robinson in a
robbery on February 3, 1962, at the Fox Hills
Country Club. The first trial, Robinson was
convicted and sentenced to death. The Su-
preme Court reversed because of an error in
instructing the jury that Willie Hickman, a
co-defendant, who did not appeal and is
serving a life sentence, was an accomplice.
Again, Robinson was tried and this time,
the jury gave him life. He appealed and the
District Court of Appeals reversed because
the police did not advise him of his rights
before he confessed. This time, the District
Attorney was forced to go to trial without the
confession and the jury acquitted him. The
confession was yoluntary and admissible un-
der the law as it then existed. The defend-
ant mow goes free because the law was
changed after the crime. The result is a
by-preduct of the Supreme Court's tendency
to change the ground rules and apply the
new rule retroactively. Ironically, Robin-
50n, who was the trigger man, now is free.
His two accomplices (Willie Warner Hick-


man and Fred Guliex) are in prison, one
serving a 20-year maximum, the other sery-
ing life.

Juty 14, 1966.


Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that two con-
structive editorials from newspapers in
my State, one of September 3, 1966, from
the St. Louis Post-Dispatch entitled “A
Force Cut in Europe?” and the other
from the St. Louis Globe Democrat of
September 8, 1966, entitled “Cut US.
Forces in Europe” be printed in the
Recorp at this point.

There being no objection, the edi-
torials were ordered to be printed in the
Recorp, as follows:

[From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Sept. 3,
A Force Cut In EvRore?

The White House has said “No” to Senator
MANSFIELD’s proposal for a Senate resolution
favoring a “substantial reduction” of United
States forces in Europe. But it said so in a
rather faint yoice, and we hope the Senate
will not be dissuaded from expressing its own
opinion on the question.

It has long been clear that such a reduc-
tion could be made without serious impair-
Ment of European security. The benefits,
both to our balance of payments and to the
cause of detente with the Soviet Union,
would be great, The Russians might be en-
couraged to withdraw some of their own
troops from Eastern Europe, and further
steps toward establishing a new security
relationship might follow,

The President does not always seek the
“advice and consent” of the Senate on for-
eign policy initiatives, but in this case he
might well find a troop-reduction resolution
a useful warrant for doing what he may some
day want to do without taking full respon-
sibility himself. The facts that Senator
MAansFIELp has the support of 13 members of
the Senate's Democratic policy committee,
and that he has taken care to consult Chair-
man Russet, of the Armed Services Com-
mittee and Republican Leader DImxsen,
argue that more is involved than the per-
sonal disposition of a Senator who has long
questioned the need for maintaining such a
large military establishment in Europe.

In any case the Mansfield proposal de-
serves a sympathetic reception. At a time
when Europe itself acknowledges no need to
meet its original NATO troop commitments,
when the conditions that gave rise to those
commitments have sharply changed, and
when we are are spending far more dollars
abroad than we are earning, it does not make
sense to go on supporting 400,000 troops and
nearly a million of their dependents in Eu-
rope. Even if the Administration is not
ready to say so, there is no reason why the
Senate should not.

[From the St. Louis Globe Democrat, Sept, 8,

Cut U.S. Forces In EvRoPE

The United States troop commitment to
Europe is much too heavy in light of Eu-
rope’s dramatic recovery and renewed capa-
bility to take over the greater part of ifs own —

The commitment, made 15 years ago, is
woefully outdated. It should be substan-
tally reduced as recommended by 13 Demo-
cratic Senators,

Under vastly changed conditions of today
there is no reason to maintain some 400,000
to 450,000 American troops and their 1,000.-
000 dependents in Europe. A substantial

September 9, 1966

point in her early visits to Japan and India.
She was not only a radiant rebel, admired for
her charm and disarming modesty, but also a
practical idealist whose comtribution will be
realized by future generations.


Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, all
responsible and thinking Georgians—
and I am proud to say they constitute an
overwhelming majority of the people of
my State—were shocked this week by the
racial riot that erupted in Atlanta last

It was an appalling display of the same
brand of lawlessness we have witnessed
on many occasions in recent months in a
number of cities throughout the Nation.
It was the kind of mob violence which can
only result in chaos unless steps are
taken to restore respect for law and order.
And, just as in other places where racial
agitation and disorder have resulted in
rioting, the Atlanta riot can be laid at the
feet of irresponsible leaders who have
gone about the country, preaching dis-
respect for authority and calling mobs
into the streets, with no other purpose
than to create strife and disorder.

I am truly sorry that Atlanta, whose
record for peaceful and sensible race
relations is second to no other large
metropolitan area in the country, has
been made a victim of rioting and dis-
graceful chants of “black power.” How-
ever, Iam pleased to note that because of
positive and responsible leadership on
the part of the mayor and the city police,
as well as that of respected members of
the Negro community, the riot was
quelled and handled overall in a most
commendable manner.

There appeared in the September 7 edi-
tion of the Atlanta Constitution an ex-
cellent column by Editor Eugene Pat-
terson, giving an account of the rioting
and the courageous and firm part of
Mayor Ivan Allen and responsible Negro
leaders in dispersing the rioters.

There also appeared fine editorials in
the Atlanta Journal and the Washington
Evening Star commending Mayor Allen
and rightly placing the blame for the dis-
order where it belongs.

Task unanimous consent that Mr. Pat-
terson’s column and the editorials be
printed in the Recorp.

There being no objection the material
was. ordered to be printed in the Recorn,
as follows:

[From the Atlanta (Ga.} Constitution, Sept.
, 1966]
A Day To Forcer
(By Eugene Patterson)

A fume of tear gas still stung the eye
occasionally. It made Ivan Allen look ag if
he had been weeping.

The mayor stood in a pool of glass frag-
ments in the middle of Capitol Avenue with
his shoulders slumped wearily. A police car
with blue light flashing passed on one side
of him, and a Grady Hospital ambulance with
ared light passed on the other.

He Hfted his reddened eyes to the porches
and looked at the Negro men, women and
children whose rights he had long fought for
at the risk of his own political Nfe. They
looked back at him.

On the upstairs balcony of a bleak apart-
ment house—"four rooms, will redecorate,
#59.50’'—a girl of about 15 perked and shook
idly in a silent dance.


“They don't know,’ Mayor Allen said
gently. “They just don’t know.”

But the SNCC leadersknew. When Stokely
Carmichael’s crowd finally got a police shoot-
ing to play with, they stirred up those men,
women and children as skillfully as white
demagogues used to get a night ride going.

Like the old white mobs, the rock-throwing
Negroes didn’t have a very clear idea what
had hold of them Tuesday. Demagogues had
hold of them. SNCC was in charge.

SNCC comes in on a scene of trouble like
an ambulance. But not to heal any frac-
tures. It had been a long, chilly summer in
the Vine City slum. SNCC’s sound trucks
had failed to stir riots. Maybe Vine City
residents got toughened to the black power
demagoguery and immune to it. Here, al-
most in the shadow of Atlanta's new stadium,
was a fresh neighborhood with a built-in
incident. And here was SNCC,

As Allen said, the people just didn’t know.
But 5NCC did. To say past white injustices
to Negroes was fair provocation for what the
black power zealots did to Atlanta Tuesday is
about like justifying white bombers and
burners on grounds some Negroes are crimi-
The major understood what was going on,
even while the Negro rock throwers who
literally threatened his life did not. He gave
them their target. He walked in the open
down the middle of the street while some
policemen were taking cover behind an
armored car under the hail of stones. His
courage was remarked by every tough cop
present, He acted like a man who didn’t
want to be safe if his city wasn't.


For a while it looked as if the mayor might
pull it off. He waded into the middle of the
riotous crowd at Capitol and Ormond (you go
past the stadium on Capitol, and across
Georgia, and across Little and Love—that's
right, Love—and there's Ormond) and tried
to lead them out to the stadium. They fol-
lowed him for a block. Then SNCC got hold
of the thing again, yelling black power.

They weren't gonna go to any white man’s
stadium. Pretty soon they had the crowd
back at Ormond and Capitol. Allen got up
on a police car and tried to talk to them.
Demagogues knew what to do about that.

They rocked the car violently until he was
shaken off it. Encircled and shoved, he
simply bored deeper into the black crowd,
demanding order, exhorting peace.

Rocks flew. Windshields and windows

Police cars had their glasses
smashed. A white woman's car was hit;
she paused at the stadium parking lot to
shake the glass out of her hair. People
were getting hurt. While Allen stood be-
tween them, Negroes threw rocks and police-
men fired into the air.

Tear gas finally broke that one up. The
police ran out of tear gas. But they stood
on the street corners with their gas guns
at the ready and nobody knew they were
empty until new supplies came,

Policemen are always targets in mobs like
these. The strain showed in thelr faces and
you couldn't blame them. Shotguns, pis-
tols, g88 guns, billies—the tense brandishing
of s0 much hardware was imposing. They
had seen too many cars smashed, too much
anger, to be easy. They were as tight as
colled springs, looking all about. There in
the middle of them, unarmed and unrattled,
‘was Mayor Allen.

“I wish I could slow that guy down,” said
Capt. George Royall, his police aide and body-
guard, sprinting up Little Street. The mayor
had suddenly walked up there to insist that

egroes disperse and go to their
homes, The crowd moved slowly.

Two policemen were assigned to herd the
crowd back up that side street. They were
white, though many of the policemen on the
scene were Negro, The two white policemen


had company. “This is the Rev. Sam Wil-
liams,”" Capt. Royall told the pair of police-
men. “He is going with you and he is going
to ask the people to go to their homes peace-

The Rev. Williams did. A tough, smart
NAACP militant, the Baptist minister and
college professor had been fighting for his
people against white oppressors all his life
and he did not hesitate to go to the scene
Tuesday and fight against their being hurt
by SNCC. It took great courage. He went
up the street with the policemen, command-
ing respect.

Like Sam Williams, the Rev. Martin Luther
King Sr. was there, deploring violence and
laying the blame on those who incited it.
“We have got to have law,” the old man
said. “If I only had my strength, I would
tell these people we have got to have law.
Else we have no protection.”

“You've got your strength, old. friend,”
Ivan Allen said, taking his hand in the


Negro politicians like Q. V. Williamson and
John Hood were there, laboring to lead their
people out of folly. Clergymen like the Rev.
William Holmes Borders were there, and
leaders like Jesse Hill. The Negro leader-
ship turned out to do what it could, just as
staunchly as the white leadership used to
do when the Elan mentalities threatened
violence. But the violent and the disorderly
always have an advantage in seizing leader-
ship of a crowd. They are unhampered by
responsibility and they have emotion go-
ing for them. Responsible leaders, rational
men, often look vulnerable and even futile
in such a setting. But they have to go.

Dusk was falling. “Are you hurt? Did
any of the rocks hit you?" Allen was asked
in the lull. He looked at his friend Sam Wil-
Iiams there in the street and laughed.
“Man," he kidded, “you know they can't
throw anything as fast as I can run.

“T've got great peripheral vision. Blind to
color, blind to class. I've got to be blind,
haven't I, Sam?”

The Rev, Williams smiled. “That's right,"
he sald quietly. The two strong men, one
white, one black, looked at each other for a
second in the gathering night, then moved
off to see if they could calm and disperse
some more of the silent, staring spectators,

Walking along the center of the Capitol
Avenue sidewalk, a tall, thin Negro man
wearlng a striped sport shirt and a wisp of
beard met a policeman and deliberately con-
fronted him head-on, refusing to yield room
for him to pass. The policeman held a
shotgun at port arms and stood there of a
minute. He jerked his thumb to the side
but the Negro did not move.

Blind hatred contorted his face into a
furious mask.

The policeman shrugged and walked on
around him, The thin goateed Negro walked
on, muttering, looking over his shoulder and
hating the white man with a passion that
seemed to be consuming him like some foul,
fatal fever.

Shattered glass lay in the street. Plicker-
ing lights glinted on the police guns. Night
was falling and the mayor was thinking
about opening up the schoolhouse at the
corner of Capitol and Little and inviting
everybody in to talk instead of fight, burn,
stone and shoot.

It was almost as if the mayor, after half
@ day of presenting his body in the street,
was as intent on willing and a return
to normality as he was in building up his
forces of police to crush any renewed dis-

In the gathering darkness, somebody said
to the tired mayor, as he stood there in the
street, that he ought to go on home and
leave the night peril to his pollcemen and
the people on the porches,


“Listen,” he snapped, “if anything is go-
ing to happen here tonight, it’s going to
happen over me.”

[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
Sept. 8, 1966]

The most surprising thing about the riot
in Atlanta is that is should have happened
there. For Atlanta, by general agreement,
has been a model for southern cities in its
race relations.

Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. has walked the last
mile in search of racial peace. He had al-
most solid Negro support when elected. He
was one of the few southerners to testify in
support of the 1964 civil rights bill. He has
added Negroes to the police force. Atlanta's
schools and city facilities are totally inte-
grated. Many Negroes are employed by
business establishments and the city has
sent eight Negroes to the state legislature.

All of this counted for nothing, however,
when 2 suspected Negro car thief was
wounded while trying to escape from arrest-
ing police officers. When some 500 or more
Negroes took to the streets the mayor climbed
on top of an automobile and tried to reason
with them. He was shouted down. Taunts
of “white devil” and “black power” greeted
him. Finally the mob surged around the
car and the mayor was jarred loose from his
perch and fell to the street.

No, this didn’t happen in a Birmingham
ora Selma. It happened in Atlanta. Little
wonder that the Rev. Martin Luther King
Sr,, who lives in Atlanta, was heard to ask:
“What do they want? The mayor came
down. He tried to speak to them and they
wouldn’tlisten. What do they want?”

It was a good question, but hard to ans-
wer. For most of the members of the mob
may not have known themselves what they
wanted—unless it was an excuse to throw
rocks and rant about police brutality.

The mayor says the riot was deliberately
caused by some of Stokely Carmichael’'s
SNCC henchmen, and he may be right. For
the mob began shoutimg “kill the white
cops” after SNCC representatives, according
to the police, spread the false word that the
suspected car thief “had been shot while
handcuffed and that he was murdered.”

Whatever may have been the case with the
rioters, it seems clear that what the SNCC
people want is trouble, trouble, trouble.
And that is what they are going to get,
though not in the form they want, if this
sort of madness keeps up.

[From the Atlanta (Ga.) Journal, Sept. ‘7,

Wo RUNS THE crry?

Magnificent work on the part of the police,
the personal courage and leadership of Mayor
Ivan Allen and the tion of responsible
Negro political and religious leaders kept At-

-lanta out of murderous trouble Tuesday

There was major trouble as it was, in re-
Sponse to an Invitation to trouble promoted
by SNCC and its irresponsible new leader,
Stokely Carmichael, to protest a case of al-
leged police brutality.

There was rioting in the streets south of
the Stadium (where a detachment of state
patrolmen stood by), but the coalition of
those devoted to the welfare of the city pre-
vailed, May it continue to hold together and
Prevail for years to come.

The trouble followed the demagogic pat-
tern the country has now come to recognize
‘gincé this mo longer is one of those peculiar
Southern problems,

But the famillarity of the pattern does not
‘make It any less shocking.

_ Atlanta so far has maintained a reputation
for law and order, and the determination of
the mayor to keep this reputation could not
be more obvious,


Tuesday night proved who was running the
elty, and it is not the mob.

It is Mayor Allen, and the magnificent
backing given him by the police and by sane
and responsible Negro leaders pulled us
through this time.

But it is too much to expect that Tuesday
night is going to be the end of it.

There are irresponsible white people, seek-
ers after public office included, as well as
irresponsible promoters of “black power” who
find this sort of dangerous idiocy helpful.

Certainly we'll see other attempts to pit
race against race, make a smoking shambles
of Atlanta and set back orderly progress for
years to come.

But the combination which pulled us
through Tuesday night can do it again with
the help and the backing of the decent, law-
abiding citizens of all Atlanta, and run the
inviters torlot out oftown. -

This has been a week of crisis in Atlanta,
with a good part of the Fire Department on
strike, and the police on extended duty.

It's the sort of occasion which separates
the wheat and the chaff rapidly, and makes
us appreciate the value of the kind of good
citizenship shown by those who stay on the
job when trouble comes. These are the
mayor, the police, the loyalists among the
firemen, and the Negro leaders who kept the
faith with their city and truly with their


Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, fiscal
1967 appropriations for maternal and
child welfare activities went from $187
million in fiscal 1966 to a House-approved
figure of $228,900,000. This is a whop-
ping increase of almost $42 million.

Every bit of this increase is necessary.
Most of it would provide for an expan-
sion of the program in accordance with
the 1965 amendments to the Social Se-
curity Act. But it is significant that
while we are providing an additional $41,-
900,000 for child welfare activities in fis-
cal 1967 we apparently can afford to boost
the special mill program for schoolchil-
dren by only $1 million from last year’s
appropriation level of $103 million to $104
million this year. Yet if ever a program
were important to the welfare of our
children, the school milk program is.

The milk program helps most those
who can least afford to help themselves—
the children from poor families living in
depressed areas and the slums of our Na-
tion's cities. It helps them by providing
a Federal payment foward the cost of a
half-pint of mill once or twice a day, be-
tween meals. Often the local community
provides the remainder of the needed
funds. Furthermore the cost to the tax-
payer is minimal, because milk not pur-
chased under the program would prob-
ably have to be bought and stored under
the price support program at Govern-
ment expense,

At least $110 million is needed for the
school milk program this year if last
year's 10, percent cut in the Federal reim-
bursement rate is to be restored. LI in-
tend to fight hard for an additional $6
Million for the program in a supple-
mental appropriation bill. I fully believe
that this program is essential to the
health and welfare of our children as the
maternal and child welfare program. I
intend to see that it is properly funded.

September 9, 1966


Mr. DODD. Mr. President, the rec-
ords of this Congress include volumes of
testimony on the need for regulating the
wide-open trafficking of firearms in in-
terstate commerce.

The bulk of those volumes are public
hearings conducted by the Judiciary
Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency
of which Iam chairman, The purpose of
those hearings was to determine whether
or not there was a need for the Federal
Government to strengthen its own gun
laws, and if possible, to aid the several
States in making their statutes more

The results of our inquiry, Senate bill
1592 is now awaiting the action of the
Judiciary Committee.

I had hoped that the full Senate would
have had the opportunity to vote on the
measure before now, but the minority
opposing any improvement in our gun
laws has succeeded in blocking Senate
action. ;

The gun lobby has been most effective.

Leading the opposition to a law that
would thwart criminals, drug addicts
and mental patients hell-bent on arm-
ing themselves is the National Rifle As-
sociation, a tax-free group of some 750,-
000 members whose most recent slogan
is “America needs more straight shoot-

In easy-to-understand language a lob-
byist is any person or group who seeks
the passage or defeat of any legislation
in the Congress of the United States.

However, thougli not a lobby under the
law, the NRA’s antigun legislation phi-
losophy is adopted and followed by
registered lobbyists among them, for in-
stance, the gun industry.

On August 14, 1966, on the Frank Mc-
Gee Report on the NBC Television Net-
work, an NRA spokesman described its
nonlobbying activities of the NRA in this

A teletype in the legislative suite receives
reports from state capitals. Whenever a
state lawmaker introduces & gun control bill
the information is quickly fed to this office.

By “this office” the spokesman meant
the upper reaches of the multi-million-
dollar national headquarters of the Na-
tional Rifle Association in downtown
Washington, D.C.

Mr. President, at the conclusion of my
remarks, I would like the text of the
Frank McGee report printed in the Con-

objection, it is so ordered.

(See exhibit 1.)

Mr. DODD. Mr. President, consistent
with the nonlobby image it spends into
the seven figures each year to project,
on September i, 1966, the NRA shelled
out almost $10,000 for full page ads in
the Washington Post and the New York
Times throwing its weight behind “en-
forceable measures to keep firearms
from irresponsibles, incompetents, and
eriminals,” amongst other things.

The advertisement was discussed at
some length in the September 9, 1966,

public items show