Box 16, Folder 7, Document 9

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Box 16, Folder 7, Document 9

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By The
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Pitblisher's Note: T he story of Em(fry B u·r ke
is one of the sensational stories of this century.
H e is a native Southerner and is Southern
in his habits and manner in the fullest sense
of the word. For years Mr. Burke has been
concernecl with the problems aff ecting American sov ereignty, race purity and traditional
Americanism. H e loves his coimtry w·ith a
passionate love and is still willing to give his
life for the preservation of our American ideals.
H is experience with the J ewish gestapo, operating out of New York City and Atlanta,
Georgia, has been such as to be almost unbelievable. We present his story herewith because
we have confirmed the triith of ev erything that
he says.
Copyright, 1949, By G. L. K. Smith
I am today under sentence of· t hree years to t he
Geor gia chain gang. Thanks to the friends of the
Christian Nationalist Crusade, I am able to appeal
the decision of the Supreme Court of t he State of
Geor gia and am carrying my fight for liber ty to
t he Supreme Court of t he United States. I was
frame d by t he or gani zed J ews who bought perjured
testimony, intimidated vvitnesses and corrupted public officials. Thls is the story of my life, my background and my exp eri ence with t he Jewish gestapo.
I n the Southland , as in the cou nt ry as a whole,
there a re two basically opposing t raditions fo r ever
engaged in a mortal struggle with each oth er to ,
determi ne wh ich is to be t he guiding outlook of the
future . The one is the sup reme object ive and tradition of t he 'W hiteman ; r1amely, t he saving 'of his
heritage, hi s self-respect and his future. Th e other
tradition is the one of th e Carpet-Bagger, Scalawag,
and Negro 'fyranny. I am a product of t he Whiteman 's tradition, and I am proud to p roclaim t hat I
fight in its ranks. In saving t he Sout hland 's t r adi tion of the vVhiteman we shal l save Amer ica, and
iu saving America we shall save the whole Wh ite
Worl d from t he starkly threat ening menace of
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tyranny and slavery under t he H ammer and Sickle
of World Communism. W it h these t houghts in mind
early in 1946 I decided to do my part in preserving
and helping the W hite community of t he Southland,
which is-expanded and projected into a higher
level- th e entire ·whi te community of America. The
noble tradjtion of t he Whiteman of the Southland
must expand, and absorb un to itself t he total t r adition of t he Whiteman of America. I n this sense
I feel that t he Whiteman of the Sout h has a distinct
and historic mission to carry out, that he will succeed in accomplishing not alone an historic task
for the South, but for America and t he White World
as a whole. The valnes of the Whiteman of ,the
Southland ar e not gone with th e wind, bu t are Jiving and b1·eathlng realities, and upon t hem :i:est t he
fntnre of t he whole Whiteman's Wor ld. In t he
Sou thland- and almost in the Southland alone-th e
traditional \Vhiteman 's Way of LHe still lives in
t he daily living, and in th e heart 's places of deepest
convictions, in the millions of her Whit emen and
Whitewomen. In this r edoubt of t he old American
faith, and way of life, still lives t he spirit of the
ea rly Americans. W e Whltemen of the South must
take up the bap.ner s of this old faith and march
under t hem from our redoubt into the task of winning the hearts of all of our Whlte brethren in
America. Early in 1946 these thoughts kept pounding into my consciousness. Sever al of my friends
and I organize d the Columbians. W e rented an
�office, installed a telephone~ and on August 17,
1946 the State of Georgia granted us a charter and
we were incorporated with the title "The,_ Columbians,
Inc." with myself as president. We were incorporated
as a political organization to work for the advancement of the White citizens of Georgia and America;
we stated that we opposed Communism and believed
in honoring American traditions.
Our charter
visioned an organization of the nativist character.
I proposed then, as I propose now, to fight the
Whiteman 's battle and let the chips fall where
they will. We fought, however, the Zionist and Communist organizations, and associated movements, not
on the basis of individuals within them but on the
basis of the organized whole of these anti-American
organizations. We proposed to elect men to public
office who would r epresent the great mass of the
White citizenry, men who would not be held in bondage by any of the special-interest groups, regardless
of their nature whether , economic, social, racial,
rultural, or otherwise. W e maintained that th e
Jews of the Zionist movement are primarily concerned with the future of the J ews as a nationality,
and the future of I srael as a sover eign state. Their
first loyalty-allegiance- cannot be to the American future , but to the Jewish future. 'l'hey do not,
therefore, form a part of our people; they should
not have the right to bold public office in our society, and should not have the power to direct our
political affairs. The Stars and Stripes is just the
flag representing the land in which they live· the
flag for which they have real devotion is the 'Star
of David flag of Israel. We fought for the repeal
of the amendments , to the Constitution which were
illegally ratified o-ter the prostrate form of the
Southland, while she was living in the terror of
Negro baY.onets under the direction of the hated
'fhad Stevens. We published the ·writings of Jefferson,_ Madison, Washington, and others among the
Founding Fathers on the Negro Question. We believed that it is self-evident that the Negroes form
a separate and distinct people from the White community, and all of our literature and speaking carried forward this thought. We favored the enactment of national legislation prohibiting intermarr!age between the races, establishing the segregation pattern of the Southland throughout the country, ~nd ev:entually the creation of a Negro homeland m Africa as was s~rongly advocated by Lincoln,
and all _of the Foundmg Fathers. We welcomed
all members of the Whiteman's community into our
fe}!o:,vship, but we worked mainly among the underprivileged- those of our brothers and sisters that
, many of the politicians are wdnt to call ' ' poor white
trash.' ' I despise that dirty attitude of narrow
class-conscio{i.sness just as deeply as I despise the
Marxist. kind of class-consciousness. But r egardless of what these vicious, anti-social and classconscious Scalawags may think, the miserable slums
will yet come down-profits or no profits to their
clients on the m.i,sery of a people- and the e-roded
acres in our rural areas will blossom for.t h with milk
and honey and beautiful timberlands. The war has
proved that o.ur capacity to produce the things that
our people need is practically unlimited. In one
way or another our gigantic industrial machine is
going to do just that. Under a patriotic leii.dership
of our people this task can be accomplished along
the traditional landmarks of the existing economic
system. The alternative is Communism. In the
future the class-consciousness of the right will perish along with the class-consciousness of the left. In
spite of the smugness of some of our financially
well-off White brethren, there are far fewer betrayers of the Whiteman's Way of Life among the
simple and hard-working young textile workers and
farmers than there are among their sons and daughters who go off to college and come back home confirmed! Mongrelizers and Marxists.
The name "Columbia" is the poetical name of
America. I designed the flag of the organization.
Its background is the Battle F lag of the Confederacy,
the square four foot by four foot flag of Lee and
Jackson ·with the red field and the blue c'ross of St.
Andrew. Over this background of the organization 's
flag is a large white disc and inscribed upon it is a
red lightning-bolt. As we today sleep within the
vicious embrace of alien octopus-coil., the lightning-
bolt and its thunder must awaken us to the heavy
duties involved in the survival, spiritually and
physically, of our people and race. This is the meaning of the lightning-bolt symbol. I also designed a
lightning-bolt lapel insignia, and hundreds of shoulder insignia were embroidered by the faithful
womenfolk of the organization. Most of the members were either veterans or workers and khaki
clothing grew to be considered as the uniform of the
The Columbian organization published a paper
titled "The Thm1,derboit." The letters of the title \
were in the form of lightning, the design of which
I took from a book titled "The Son of ·Thunder," an
epic stor y r evolving around the life of the great
statesman of the South, the great ch'ampion of the
Whiteman's Way of Life and one of the first thinker s to interpret it as a philosophy and world-outlook,
the great Ante Bellum Whiteman, the great Robert
Toombs, and wal; written by the well-known author
and lecturer vVilliam W. Brewton, of College Park,
Georgia, who i a very good friend of mine. Toombs
was known as "The Son of Thunder" because of his
great and powerful orations on the floor of the
United States Senate. In designing the title of the
paper I was anxious to remind our Whitefolk that
we need oratoriral giants today who can hurl out
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thunderous oratorical lightning at our enemies, even
more than we did four and five score years ago. W e
called upon our p eople to awaken.
Our p eople wer e thirsting to hear the truths which
we gave them. W e spoke straight from our hearts.
At first the newspapers ignored us. But we wer e
out to help our p eople, the great rank-and-file of
the White p eople, and we wer e quite unconcerned
about what the J ewish-controlled newspapers
thought about us. Neither were we out to gain the
plaudits of the J ewish and Negro peoples. Dan
Duke, Assistant Attorney Gener al of Georgia at the
time, is a well-known J ew-puppet . H e often goes to
N~w York, ~its with Negroes at banquets, and ascertams the wIShes of the J ewish leaders, and t he biO'shots of the Association for the Advancement _gf
Colored P eople. DYke about t his time went to work
vrith cer tain J e~ish leaders and decided that t he
Columbians ha d to be stopped or he would not have
a political future. On October 18 we attracted to
our meeting a lar ger crowd than most of the politicians could muster . For sever al days we had advertised it with leaflets, given out in house-to-house
distribution, and with our sound trucks. More than
three thousand p er sons attended the meeting. W e
attacked H elen Mankin, who was running for Congress and making a str ong appeal for Negro votes,
and supported the late Eugene Talmadge, the venerable and well-known fighter for White Supremacy
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in Georgia. I knew J\IIr . Talmadge and used to
t alk with him bv the hours in his hotel suite in
Atlanta. Not loii.g before his death he called me
an d asked t hat I visit him. Before I could do so
he was in t he hospital and on the point of death.
I have wonder ed many times why he made that call
and t he n ature of the matter that he wished to discuss with me. But we not only discussed specific
issues but general principles and ultimate objectives.
'l'he crowd howled and yelled approval. I knew
when the meeting was over that the , enemy was
frantic. The Anti-Defamation League of B'nai
B 'rith and t he Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi L eague went
to work. These ar e two of t he deadly fangs of the
J ewish-Gestapo octopus.
One day a man who said his name was James
Falco and a woman who said her name was Renee
Forrest appear ed in our offices. John Roy Carlson,
author of the smea.r books "Undercover " and " The
Plotters"-who in r eality is an Armenian mongrel
.named Derounian-was in Atlanta at the time giving lectures against Talmadge, and the Columbi'ans.
I knew these people were agents of the enemy at
first sight . I was quite sure they wer e agents of
Derounian , who was supposed to be writing another
book, and that he wanted to devote a chapter to the
Columbians, to which I had no objection. The trash
dished out by Der ounian , Winchell, and their ilk
help t he Whiteman's cause. These liar s later said
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they gained my confidence, but the fact is. I had
only one lengthy conversation with them. 'fhey
were in our offices altogether only a few hours
and during that time they wer e closely watched b;
our officer workers. But we wer e sold-out from
within our organization. Two of the young menRalph Childers and Lanier "\Valier- who wer e working in our offices did not ]mow tl1 e meaning of
what wc were striving to accomplish. Later Lanier
WaUer, after he had broken with the Anti-Nazi
lJeague and signed an affidavit attesting to my innocence and those associated with me, told me the
story I am about to r elate showing how this Comnmnist-front espionage organization used the good
name of the State of Georgia to frame-up its enemies
~!. using ~ome of the mongrelizer and scalawag of~
h c1als as 1ts puppet~ and stooges.
'fhe r eal name of James Falco is Mario Buzzi and
that of Renee Forrest is Renee Fruchtbaum. ' One
night after a meeting th ey succeeded in .getting one
of the girls in our office to go out with them t o a
night-club. Buzzi and Fruchtbaum promised this
girl a job as a model in Nen· York at seventy-five
dollars per week, and ease and pleDit y the r ~st of
her life, if she would turn against the Colwnbians.
'l'he two J ewish-Gestapo agents were leaving for
New York that night by air and would leave an
airplane ticket at the airport for her in case she
d~cided to go up there. They left the New York
i e·lephoue i1umbee or ~he Anti-Nazi League with
her. , The next morning at the Columbian offices
she told everyone there about her experience of the
night before. Ralph Childers and Lanier Waller
overh eard what she had to say. They put their
heads together and decided they would play the
rol e of Judas. 'fhey called Buzzi1and Fruchtbaum in
New York and another airplane ticket was sent
down aud by th e next morning · both of them were
put up in a suite of rooms in a swank New York
hotel , wi t h all of th e liquor and wom en they could
" ·ant.
Buzzi threw dollar tips to bell-hops and bus-boys
and told Childers and Waller that if they would
play th eir eards right they ·w ould soon be doing the
i:;am e. They were drunk about all the time they
wer e in New York. Wild parties of mixed Whites
and cgroes went on every night. 'l'he young men
\\·ere introduced to H erman Hoffman, president of
the Anti-Nazi Gestapo; I sado1·e Lipschutz, treasurer, a ,Jew-refugee diamond broker from Belgium
who at that time was not even a citizen of the United
States and could speak only broken and gibberish
English and James H. Sheldon, administrative chairman of the Gestapo. Sheldon did at that time, and
does today, have a Negress as his private secretary.
Buzzi told Waller that he wa,,;; a member of the
{'qmmunist P arty, and everyone in the Gestapo
offices tallcr n in praise of Communism. After a
week or so of this wild life, and after signing many
lying affidavits while in drunken condition, Sheldon, Buzzi, Fruchtbaum, Childers and Waller took
au airplane for Atlanta.
'rhe three J ewish-Ge_stapo agents put up in suites
in one hotel, and Childers and Waller put up in a
suite in another hotel.
On the morning of their
arrival the five of them went to the office of Dan
Duke. After a hasty conference Duke told two
Georgia Bureau of Investigation agents to accompany Waller and Buzzi on a quest to buy some dynamite. He also had a carload of newspaper photographers ready to go along with them. These
people left Duke's offic_e in two cars, the photo~raphers following the car of the GBI agents m
which wer e Waller and Buzzi. Waller, in the ·company of Buzzi, succeeded in 1?uring several ~ticks of
dynamite from some poor, 1lhterate and ignorant
well-diggers, at ten dollars per stick. Waller says
they had the money to pay one hund~ed _dollars
per stick or even more, for the dynamite if that
had been' n ecessary. But seventy or eighty dollars
is a great amount of money to a poor well-digger.
Immediately the GBI agents arrest Waller and ~he
well-diggers, and the photographers start bangmg
away, all as planned by Duke, '.1nd the Atlanta and
New York agents of the J ewish-Gestapo. All of
this happened on the morning of December 10, 1946.
'l'hat afternoon a great conference was held in the
office of Eugene Cook, the Attorney General of
Georgia, in which Sheldon spoke and said that Dan
Duke had invited his organization to send agents
into Georgia for the purpose of investigating the
Col um bi ans.
That afternoon the Atlanta Journal r oared forth
with a huge headliiie- TWO COLUMBIANS BARE
AIMS OF TERRORISM- and a great front-page
story told about the conference in Cook's office.
In a four- column space on the front-page appeared
a photo in which Buzzi, Sheldon, Waller, Childer s
and others were displaying dynamite which was
alleged to have been owned by our organization!,
when ·as a matter of fact it had been purchased by
·w aller at the direction of Dan Duke. Neither I
nor any of us had any more to do with that dynamite than the man in the moon, but that huge
photo on page one served the pro~agand_a purposes
of our enemies, as Dan Duke and his J ew1sh masters
kn ew so well would be the case. The average person reading that paper r eceived the impression, in
11 0 unc.ertain terms, t hat we had bought and owned
th at dynamite, and that our object w3:s to dynam~te
Negro houses. Our enemies were trymg to convict
us in the minds of the public before our trials.
I was out of Atlanta at the time of this confer-- 15 -
�ence in Cook 's office, being in Montgomery at the
bedside of my ill mother, but as quickly as heard
of it over the radio, and in a front-page article in
one of the Montgomery newspapers, I hurried to
Atlanta. On December 12th I swore warrants
against Renee Frnchtbau)D, alias Renee Forrest;
Mario Buzzi, alias James Falco, and Jacob Shapiro,
alias Dr. James H. Sheldon. I accused them of
having violatecl sections 26-4901 and 26-4902 of the
Georgia Criminal Code; viz., of having illegally acted as detectives and policemen. None of them were
citizens of Georgia, and none of them were legally
authorized to act as detectives in the State of Georgia. According to the sections of the Criminal
Code mentioned above-which were enacted by the
Georgia Whiteman 's legislature after the Reconstruction tyranny to fight Carpetbagger detective
agencies-both of these requirements must be met.
Sheldon had boasted in the press that his agents bad
acted as detectives, and the Anti-Nazi L~ gue in a
form-letter- a copy or which is in my possessionactually boasted that Sheldon directed the investigation. Fruchtbaum had boasted that she was a
"spy " within the Columbian organization. Dan
Duke boasted in the press, and later under oath in
court, that he invited the Anti-Nazi League to Atlanta to investigate our organization. The hearing
on the Sheldon warrant came up on the 14th before
,Tudge Quincy Arnold. Our attorney at the time,
J . B. B. Stewa.t·t, called Congressman Wood of tJie
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Un-American Activities Committee autl be confirmed what we already knew that his commit tee
had listed the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League as a
Comm1mist-front organization. ' We had tremendous evidence on our side. But in spite of all this,
and the brave all-day courtroom battle waged by
J . E. B . Stewart, the -judge dismissed my warrant
against Sheldon £or lack of evidence ! Later the
judge told Ed Bridges, an Atlanta reporter and
one of rriy witnesses who attended the conference in
Cook's office, " Ed, old boy, y011, had nie scared for
awhile. It looked, like. I was going to ha·1;e to b1ind
ov er Sheldon. I woiild hacl fo have done so 1f y ou
_ had said 'investigator ' rather than ' invest-iga,t·i ng'  !
This same judge dismissed my warrant ag·ainst
Fruchtbaum in January, 1947 on practically identi cal circumstances. My warrant ha, llf'W r been
served on Buzzi. H e skipped to,,n before it could
be served, but I know one deputy in pa rticular who
is still a1uious to serve it on him. The mill. of t hr
Lord grind slowly but exceeding finf'.
Armed wit h the so-eallecl evidem e, furn ishrcl b.v
Buzzi. Sheldon , Fruchtbaum, Childer.· a nd W all e:·
the Solfoitor Gener al (Prosecuting Attorney ) E. E .
Andrews went before thf' Fulton County grand j ur,
on Decf'mber 13th and obtained t wo indict ments
aga in, t me: illegal possession of dynamite an d r iot.
In t he riot indidnwnt Andrews usrd a.:; t he State 's
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ehief witness a young man with a lengthy criminal
rec.ord, whom he had just indicted that very same
day for car theft. This young man, Clarence Kight,
later stated that the whole case against us was a
fram e-up. Ira ,Tett, a loyal and devoted member
of our organization, was also indicted for illegal
possession of dynamite. Our enemies, undoubtedly,
wi shed with all their hearts that Ira · Jett would
v.:eaken under such t errific strain and turn State's
witness. But, thank God, Ira Jett did not testify
to such a lie. I was so busily involved on the 14th
in my courtroom battle against Sheldon that I did
not make arrangements about my bail. Upon the
conclusion of the Sheldon hea ring I was imprisoned
in t he Atlanta Tower .
that always breaks forth through the dark clouds
of disappointments and defeats, when men fight for
a good and God-sanctioned cause. At long last a
prominent and nationally ],mown columnist had
taken up the sword of t ruth, and with it was striking mortal-blows against the enemies of our p eople
and race. H ere are excerpts from the article :
New York.-A f ew days ago a startling story broke
in the papers under an Atla nta dateline concerning
a secret organization called the Colmnbians, which ap·
pears to be a nti-Semitic and anti-Negro.
The "break" of the news story was contrived in
dramatic fashion, revealing a professional tcuch. The
only ground for the startling allegations was the
"confessions " of two young backsliders, 18 and 21.
If this is a sinister and dangerous organization.
however, it obviously is petty by comparison with the
outfit which arranged the expose.
While the gr an d jury was in session on the 13th
\Ve,;tbrook P egler was firing away with some thunder ous blasts aga inst the Non-·Sectarian Anti-Nazi
League. His articles appear in the Atlanta Constitution. But Ralph }.lcGill, J ew-stooge editor of
that newspap er , held-up these articles during that
time and did not publish t he first of them until
December 17th. McGill simply did not wish the
gr and jury to learn the truth about deadly
crowd of mongreli zing J ews and Negroes. As soon
a,;; I was released from the Tower on bail my friends
showed me th e first of these powerful articles,
\1·h ich had been published in New York. I viewed
th at arti cle as the clear li ght of hope and victory
That organization is the Non-Secta rian Anti-Nazi
League of New Yor k. It was organized in 1933 to
boycott Hitler's Germany and, by other means, to
oppose the rise of Hitler ism. In the yea rs since it
has become, by its own boast in the Atlanta case, a
secret, private espionage system .
It has no official equal in the agencies of the
United States government which c·,ren to this day do
not include a " secret police" se1·vice of this type . ...
The Non-Sectarian Anti-Na zi League ha s absolutely
no standing as an official agt )cy of a ny bra nch of the
government nor does it pres ent itself to the public as
a secret police or detective agency. It operates in the
guise of a group opposed to Hi t lerism a nd similar
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�method s amounting to moral a nd political b·lackmail.
In the Atlanta case, nevertheless, its agents boastfully told of their cleverness in worming their wa,ginto a private group.
E. E. Andrews, the solicitor-general of Atlanta
may feel _pleased wit? the momentary and noisy re:
suit~ of his collaborat10n with the Non-Sectarian AntiNazi League. In that collaboration however the
~tate, has given officijil recognition t~ an orgi{nizat 1on no l~~s secretive t han the Columbians and much
more efficient and, therefore more dangerous to the
peace, fi:eedom, priva cy and dignity of the citizens
of Georgia and all the other States.
The Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League has no more
r ight to e: mploy the methods that it did employ against
the Colum bians than it has to do the same thing to
the Masons, the Knights of Columbus, to any innocent,
law-abiding family or business organization . . . .
The President of the League is Herman Hoffman
and the Treasurer is Isidore Lipschutz. Lipschutz is
a refugee diamond broke1 from Belgi~m who appears
to be either a rich man in hi s own nght or to have
large fin a ncial backing.
The day after the news of the League's coup in
Atlanta. I telephoned t he office of the League in New
York to ask information . ..
After I asked the man with the accent whether
Lipschutz were a C'itizen and he had answered "I
cnuldn't tell you", he asked me, "Are you?."
"Yes", I said. "A native. Are you a citizen?"
" I am an African", he s aid, "An Abyssinian".
And when I asked his name he a nswered in gib·
berish, which may have been his name, at that. An
American ear easily might have had trouble with his
name, even if he had spell ed it out.
Such is t he expeTiencc of one loyal, native citizen
of the United States in an honest approach, without
ji mmying, wire-tapping or pilfering, to this private
espionage system , uperating under the financial admin;stration, possibly with the financial support, of
Mr. Lipschutz, the Antwe1·p diamond broker.
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During the course of my fight in Atlanta I appeared in court befor e Judge Edgar Pomeroy on a
matter concerning our charter. Mr. Phil Davis of
Tulsa, a well-known nationalist and a brilliant lawyer, accompanie~ me as counsel. pan Duke appeared r epresentmg the State. The Judge agreed to
~rant th e r equest asked of him b.r l\Ir. Davis. Duke
~s a man with an extremely hot temper and was
1ufuriated by this r ebuff from the judge. I shook
hands with the judge and said:, "Ju.dge Pomeroy
I am glad that men like yoiirself are still on th;
benoh, for as long as they are 1- know ow· AngloAs quickly as I had
' 'axon freedom is secure".
uttered these .words wJ1ile my hand w-as in the hand
of the judge, Duke comes Tushing up behind me
, a nd strikes a heavy fist-blow upon my left-eye. The
ring on his finger cut a gash abo,e the eye. He
gave me no chan ce whatever of protecting myself
as he ran up from behind my back, and struck th~
blow which I had no r eason whatever to anticipate.
I was shaking t he judge's hand, and I thought I was
in a civilized courtroom. W e were not, as the newspapers inferred eno-aged in an ar gument ; I ~as
unawar e that D~1ke ;as wit hin he~ring o~ my v01_ce
,, hen I spoke to the judge.- The JUd~e _did not cite
Duke for contempt of his court . But 1t is r easo1:1able
t o assume however. that if I or any of my friends
had done ' such a dastardly t hing all of us would
have been thrown ~nder the j ail. I had 1:-? ~wear
an assault warrant against Duke. A prelimmary
hearing was held on this case and Duke asked for
a jury. This case was on t~e cal~ndar once _to be
heard by a jury, but the chief wit ness, t~e JUdg~,
was unavailable as he was r eported to be 111. This
incident-together with many others-proved t o
me that un der the present t yranny of the J ews_ and
their stooges a man lias no more le~al _rights
in realitv than t he p ower of the orgaruzat10n to
which h; belongs. I still h ave the bloody-handkerchief with which I wiped my bloody-face that .day,
and I shall ever keep it as a priceless memento of
the struggle we are waging t o ·:i:rnt ou~ count ry back
into t he hands of r eal 'Whitemen , and out of the
hands of the t yr annical Duke-type Scalawa_g, and
his J ewish Carpet Bagger masters.
A~a1n, . th~
mills of t he Lor d grind slowly but exceeding fme.
My trial began F ebruary 19,_1947. Members of
the J ewish-Gestapo were ther e m full force. Space
d~es not p ermit me to go into the details of the
t rial. But throughout its entire length the solicitor 's office was in close collaboration with agents of
the _Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League. They testified
agamst :rµe during the trial. There wer e in all t hree
indictments against me, a total of seven counts. I
was convicted on three counts, and sentenced t9
serve a year on each count, or a total of three years.
In the opening statement the solicitor, entirely
overlooking the simple and plain acts involved in
the indictment, accused me of being the head .of a
conspiracy to overthrow t he governments 0£ the
City of Atlanta, the State of Georgia and the United
States. It was clearly a case of being indicted on
one set of alleged facts and being tried on another.
'I'his is the t ypical technique of the J ewish-Gestapo
in its frantic effort t o destroy our American civil
liberties. One of the trial jurors also served on the
grand jury that indicted me. The J ew-controlled
press had prejudiced the jurY: against me. . Any
and all kinds of so-called evidence was allowed
against me, but members and friends who wished to
offer evidence for me were not allowed to do so.
I was not even allowed to enter the State-granted
charter as evidence of our objectives and ideals. I
had the officials of the railroad wher e I had been
employed as character wit nesses, but their testimony
was not allowed. Neither of the two la,vyers I had
- W . George Thomas of Atlanta, and H erman Ross
of Tennessee-wer e acquainted with t he vicious
�trial-tactics of the Jewish-Gestapo. Mr. Ross, a
terminatio1;1 to do my part in saving the Whiteman 's
brave fighter for the Wbiteman's cause, is a kinsWay of Life. Bos:ce McTyre, my dear friend who
man of President Andrew Jackson, and the same
h_as stood by me m all of my struggles, proudly
spirit li-ves in him that lived in Old Hickory, but ~is
signed ~y appeal bond, as a photographer banged
straightforward hQnesty was no equal to the devilaway,_ usmg his home as the security. The case has
ish cleverness of the Gestapo. The judge during my
been Ill the courts since that time.
trial was Carl Crow of Camilla, Georgia-a judge '
out of the Atlanta area and a man who, one would
think would' not be prejudiced against me-but I
Akin wa~ among the first three members
chall:nge anyone to r ead the r ecord without hav_ing
of the ~olumbians. He gave his life to the principles
the thought driven home to him that the Jewishfo r which we fought, and asked nothing in return
Gestapo was well-pleased with his performance. The
except the satisfaction of feeling that he was helpjudge erred over and over again. I was found
ful, a little food and a cot in the Columbian offices
guilty~as the J ews, their contemptible Scalawags
I trusted him as a brother. I knew neither Walle;
and the mongrelizing Negroes laughed and giggled
nor Childers very well. But I loved James Akin and
-and was sentenced to serve on what is commonly
saw in him one of the mo t valuable members of
called the chain-gang. I told the jury that if I were
the movement. It is difficult to believe but he
guilty of having done anything wrong then every
too became a backslider. The thought of priso~
Whiteman of the Southland who feels that his Way
doors closing on bim as one pathway, and the alterof Life is threatened with destruction _is also guilty
native of an unlimited amount of money, ease and
with me. Thank God there is a higher authority
luxury for t he rest of his life; made the decision for
than the verdict of that courtroom. That 'authority
him. But in June, 1947, after the trials, his conscir ests within the sover eign will of the Whitemen and
ence hlll't him so badly that he decided to come
Whitewomen of America: and the day is coming-in forward and tell the whole miserable story about
spite of all the Carpet-Baggers and Scalawagsthe frame-up. He admitted in an affidavit that he
when that sovereign will shall give its approval to 1 perjured during the trials, and stated that he was
everything I did i n Atlanta in 1946-47. I told a re- willing, if necessary, to serve time to right the wrong
porter, after bearing the anathema of Judge Crow, that he had done. He stated that. he was threatened
that the conviction would only strengthen my de- by the solicitor's office with twenty years imprison- 24-
�ment if he didn 't forsake the Columbians and testify
against t hem. H e stated that Dan Duke had told
him that if someone would kill the leader ship of · the
Columbians that he would see to it that the murderer would go free. Lanier Waller has also come
forward since then and written an affidavit in which
he attests to our innocence, and in which he tells
about t he viciou~ t echnique of the Non-Sectarian
.Anti-Nazi League. .An affidavit of Mrs. Maud Rainey, a member of the organization, states that Paul
W ebb, an assistant solicitor at the time, tried to '
per suade her to p erjure. I have also in my possession other affidavits as evidence that ther e wasand still is today- a deliberate conspiracy on the
part of t he J ewish-Gestapo and its stooges to deny
me my constitutional rights.
worked as an ar chitectural draftsman, until the J ews
brought such pressure against my employer that I
was r eleased. E verywher e I work the Jews cause
me this kind of trouble. I could write a book about
t his phase of my fi ght .
Last summer , after t he case proper had gone up
through the Geor gia courts and the conviction had
been confirmed, I filed an extraordinary motion
based upon t he Akin affi davit. By the_supreme effort of my lawyers, J ames Venable and J ackson
Bar wick of Atlanta, I- finally succeeded in having
it r ecognized, but my bond was r aised from $3000
to $6000. J . L. Shipp of Atlanta, one of my dear est
friends, Boyce McTyre, and a'nother dear friend
Marshall A dams, finally succeeded in making the
bond. Soon t hereafter I went to Baltimore and
The J ewish-Gestapo does not only, wish to put
behind bars, and exterminate, those who have the
courage to oppose it, but it also goes after all th ose
who ar e friendly with its enemies. Both of my
lawyers have been appr oached by Gestapo effor ts
to have t hem drop me as a client. The J ewish-Gestapo t ried to send one of my lawyers, J ames Venable,
to pr ison on a trumped-up charge. H e was indicted fo r attempt to bribe on the basis of testimony by
an Assistant Solicitor that he had offer ed him $500
to be 1.1sed as a bribe to get a suspended sentence for
one of his clients. This same Assistant Solicitor
later r esigned and gave to the press his r eason for
doing so t he pressure th at P aul Webb, who is now
Solicitor General, bad exer ted against him in t he
Venable case. The case was nol prossecl. Venable
told the press t hat ·w ebb brought t his indi~tment
against him because he had the courage to file t he
Akin extr aordinary motion in my ~ase. This incident is typical of the extent to _which t he Gestap o
will go in its efforts to extermmate not only ~ts
open foes, but t he friends an d even lawyer s of its
foes: Until it is stamped out an d t he blasphemy,
the foul hypocrisy, and the tr eason of its stooges,
the tr aditional r igMs of the \,Yhiteman in .America
composed of cowardly bulcannot be secure. It
lies who do not dare act openly, but must work forever in an un dercover and under ground manner ,
wor ming their way into our homes, schools, churches,
politics and courts. It breeds on the poisonous philosophy of turnir_ig Whiteman against Whiteman,
and springs from the cess-pools of the mongrelizer s.
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