Box 16, Folder 7, Document 9

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Publisher’s Note: The story of Emory Burke
is one of the sensational stories of this century.
He is a native Southerner and is Southern
in his habits and manner in the fullest sense
of the word. For years Mr. Burke has been
concerned with the problems affecting Ameri-
can sovereignty, race purity and traditional
Americanism. He loves his country with a
passionate lave and is still willing to give his
life for the preservation of our American ideals.
His experience with the Jewish gestapo, oper-
ating out of New York City and Atlanta,
Georgia, has been such as to be almost unbe-
lievable. We present his story herewith because
we have confirmed the truth of everything tha
he says. ‘ -

Copyright, 1949, By G. L. K. Smith


I am today under sentence of three years to the
Georgia chain gang. ‘Thanks to the friends of the
Christian Nationalist Crusade, I am able to appeal
the decision of the Supreme Court of the State of
Georgia and am carrying my fight for liberty to
the Supreme Court of the United States. JI was
framed by the organized Jews who bought perjured
testimony, intimidated witnesses and corrupted pub-
lie officials. This is the story of my life, my back-

ground and my experience with the Jewish gestapo.

In the Southland, as in the country. as a whole,
there are two basically opposing traditions forever
engaged in a mortal struggle with each other to
determine which is to be the guiding outlook of the
‘future. The one is the supreme objective and tra-
dition of the Whiteman; namely, the saving ‘of his
heritage, his self-respect and his future. The other
tradition is the one of the Carpet-Bagger, Scalawag,
and Negro Tyranny. I am a product of the White-
man’s tradition, and I am proud to proclaim that I
fight in its ranks. In saving the Southland’s tradi-
tion of the Whiteman we shall save America, and —
in saving America we shall saye the whole White —
World from the starkly threatening menace of

tyranny and slavery under the Hammer and Sickle
of World Communism, With these thoughts in mind
early in 1946 I decided to do my part in preserving
and helping the White community of the Southland,
which is—expanded and projected into a higher
level—the entire White community of America. The
noble tradition of the Whiteman of the Southland
must expand, and absorb unto itself the total tra-
dition of the Whiteman of America. In this sense
I feel that the Whiteman of the South has a distinct
and historic mission to earry out, that he will suc-
ceed in accomplishing not alone an historic task
for the South, but for America and the White World
as a whole. The values of the Whiteman of the
Southland are not gone with the wind, but are liv-
ing and breathing realities, and upon them rest the
future of the whole Whiteman’s World. In the
Sonthland—and almost in the Southland alone—the
traditional Whiteman’s Way of Life still lives in
the daily living, and in the heart’s places of deepest
convictions, in the millions of her Whitemen and
Whitewomen. In this redoubt of the old American
faith, and way of life, still lives the spirit of the
early Americans. We Whitemen of the South must
take up the banners of this old faith and march
under them from our redoubt into the task of win-
ning the hearts of all of our White brethren in

America. Early in 1946 these thoughts kept pound-
ing into my consciousness. Several of my friends
and I organized the Columbians. We rented an

office, installed a telephone, and on August 17,
1946 the State of Georgia granted us a charter and
we were incorporated with the title ““The Columbians,
Inc.’’ with myself as president. We were incorporated
as a political organization to work for the advance-
ment of the White citizens of Georgia and America;
we stated that we opposed Communism and believed
in honoring American traditions. Our charter
visioned an organization of the nativist character.
-I proposed then, as I propose now, to fight the
Whiteman’s battle and let the chips fall where
they will. We fought, however, the Zionist and Com-
munist organizations, and associated movements, not
on the basis of individuals within them but on the
basis of the organized whole of these anti-American
organizations. We proposed to elect men to public
office who would represent the great mass of the
White citizenry, men who would not be held in bond-
age by any of the special-interest groups, regardless
of their nature whether economic, social, racial,
cultural, or otherwise. We maintained that the
Jews of the Zionist movement are primarily con-
cerned with the future of the Jews as a nationality,
and the future of Israel as a sovereign state. Their
first loyalty—allegiance—cannot be to the Ameri-
can future, but to the Jewish future. They do not,
therefore, form a part of our people; they should

not have the right to hold public office in our so-
ciety, and should not have the power to direct our
political affairs. The Stars and Stripes is just the

flag representing the land in which they live; the
flag for which they have real devotion is the Star
of David flag of Israel. We fought for the repeal
of the amendments, to the Constitution which were
illegally ratified over the prostrate form of the
Southland, while she was living in the terror of
Negro bayonets under the direction of the hated
Thad Stevens. We published the writings of Jef-
ferson, Madison, Washington, and others among the
Founding Fathers on the Negro Question. We be-
lieved that it is self-evident that the Negroes form
a separate and distinct people from the White com-
munity, and all of our literature and speaking car-
ried forward this thought. We favored the enact-
ment of national legislation prohibiting intermar-
riage between the races, establishing the segrega-
tion pattern of the Southland throughout the coun-
try, and eventually the creation of a Negro home-
land in Africa as was strongly advocated by Lincoln,
and all of the Founding Fathers. We welcomed
all members of the Whiteman’s community into our
fellowship, but we worked mainly among the under-
privileged—those of our brothers and sisters that
many of the politicians are wont to call ‘‘poor white
trash.’’ I despise that dirty attitude of narrow
class-consciousness just as deeply as I despise the
Marxist kind of class-consciousness. But regard-

less of what these vicious, anti-social and class-
conscious Sealawags may think, the miserable slums
will yet come down—profits or no profits to their


clients on the misery of a people—and the eroded
acres in our rural areas will blossom forth with milk
and honey and beautiful timberlands. The war has
proved that our capacity to produce the things that
our people need is practically unlimited. In one
way or another our gigantic industrial machine is
going to do just that. Under a patriotic leadership
of our people this task can be accomplished along
the traditional landmarks of the existing economic
system. The alternative is Communism. In the
future the class-consciousness of the right will per-
ish along with the class-consciousness of the left. In
spite of the smugness of some of our financially
well-off White brethren, there are far fewer be-
trayers of the Whiteman’s Way of Life among the
simple and hard-working young textile workers and
farmers than there are among their sons and daugh-
ters who go off to college and come back home con-
firmed! Mongrelizers and Marxists.


The name ‘“‘Columbia’’ is the poetical name of
America. I designed the flag of the organization.
Its background is the Battle Flag of the Confederacy,
the square four foot by four foot flag of Lee and
Jackson with the red field and the blue cross of St.
Andrew. Over this background of the organization’s
flag is a large white dise and inseribed upon it is a
red lightning-bolt. As we today sleep within the
vicious embrace of alien octopus-coils, the lightning-


bolt and its thunder must awaken us to the heavy
duties involved in the survival, spiritually and
physically, of our people and race. This is the mean-

‘ing of the lightning-bolt svmbol. I also designed a

lightning-bolt lapel insignia, and hundreds of shoul-
der insignia were embroidered by the faithful
womenfolk of the organization. Most of the mem-
bers were either veterans or workers and khaki
clothing grew to be considered as the uniform of the


The Columbian organization published a paper
titled ‘‘The Thunderbolt.’”’ The letters of the title ,
were in the form of lightning, the design of which
I took from a book titled ‘‘The Son of Thunder,’’ an
epic story revolving around the life of the great
statesman of the South, the great champion of the
Whiteman’s Way of Life and one of the first think-
ers to interpret it as a philosophy and world-outlook,
the great Ante Bellum Whiteman, the great Robert
Toombs, and was written by the well-known author
and lecturer William W. Brewton, of College Park,
Georgia, who is a very good friend of mine. Toombs
was known as “‘The Son of Thunder’’ because of his
great and powerful orations on the floor of the
United States Senate. In designing the title of the
paper I was anxious fo remind our Whitefolk that
we need oratorical giants today who can hurl out

thunderous oratorical lightning at our enemies, even
niore than we did four and five score years ago. We
ealled upon our people to awaken.


Our people were thirsting to hear the truths which
we gave them. We spoke straight from our hearts.
At first the newspapers ignored us. But we were
out to help our people, the great rank-and-file of
the White people, and we were quite unconcerned
about what the Jewish-controlled newspapers
thought about us. Neither were we out to gain the
plaudits of the Jewish and Negro peoples. Dan
Duke, Assistant Attorney General of Georgia at the
time, is a well-known Jew-puppet. He often goes to
New York, sits with Negroes at banquets, and ascer-
tains the wishes of the Jewish leaders, and the big-
shots of the Association for the Advancement of
Colored People. Duke about this time went to work
with certain Jewish leaders and decided that the
Columbians had to be stopped or he would not have
a political future. On October 18 we attracted to
our meeting a larger crowd than most of the poli-
ticians could muster. For several days we had ad-
vertised it with leaflets, given out in house-to-house
distribution, and with our sound trucks. More than
three thousand persons attended the meeting. We
attacked Helen Mankin, who was running for Con-
gress and making a strong appeal for Negro votes,
and supported the late Eugene Talmadge, the ven-
erable and well-known fighter for White Supremacy

— 10—

in Georgia. I knew Mr. Talmadge and used to
talk with him by the hours in his hotel suite in
Atlanta. Not long before his death he called me
and asked that I visit him. Before I could do so
he was in the hospital and on the point of death.
I have wondered many times why he made that call
and the nature of the matter that he wished to dis-
cuss with me. But we not only discussed specifie
issues but general principles and ultimate objectives.
The crowd howled and yelled approval. I knew
when the meeting was over that the enemy was
frantic. The Anti-Defamation League of B’nai
B’rith and the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League went
to work. These are two of the deadly fangs of the
Jewish-Gestapo octopus.


One day a man who said his name was James
Falco and a woman who said her name was Renee
Forrest appeared in our offices. John Roy Carlson,
author of the smear books ‘‘U/ndercover’’ and ‘‘The
Plotters’’—who in reality is an Armenian mongrel
named Derounian—was in Atlanta at the time giv-
ing lectures against Talmadge, and the Columbians.
I knew these people were agents of the enemy at
first sight. I was quite sure they were agents of
Derounian, who was supposed to be writing another
book, and that he wanted to devote a chapter to the
Columbians, to which J had no objection. The trash
dished out by Derounian, Winchell, and their ilk
help the Whiteman’s cause. These liars later said


they gained my confidence, but the facet is I had
only one lengthy conversation with them. They
were in our offices altogether only a few hours,
and during that time they were closely watched by
our officer workers. But we were sold-out from
within our organization. Two of the young men—
Ralph Childers and Lanier Waller—who were work-
ing in our offices did not know the meaning of
what we were striving to accomplish. Later Lanier
Waller, after he had broken with the Anti-Nazi
League and signed an affidavit attesting to my in-
nocence and those associated with me, told me the
story I am about to relate showing how this Com-
munist-front espionage organization used the good

name of the State of Georgia to frame-up its enemies,

by using’some of the mongrelizer and scalawag of-
ficials as its puppets and stooges.


The real name of James Faleo is Mario Buzzi, and-

that of Renee Forrest is Renee Fruchtbaum. One
night after a meeting they succeeded in getting one
of the girls in our office to go out with them to a
night-club. Buzzi and Fruechtbaum promised this
girl a job as a model in New York at seventy-five
dollars per week, and ease and plenty the rest of
her life, if she would turn against the Columbians,
The two Jewish- Gestapo agents were leaving for
New York that night by air and would leave an
airplane ticket at the airport for her in case she
decided to go up there. They left the New York



telephone number of the Anti-Nazi League with
her. ,The next morning at the Columbian offices
she told everyone there about her experience of the
night before. Ralph Childers and Lanier Waller
overheard what she had to say. They put their
heads together and decided they would play the
role of Judas. They called Buzzijand Fruchtbaum in
New York and another airplane ticket was sent
down and by the next morning both of them were
put up in a suite of rooms in a swank New York
hotel, with all of the liquor and women they could

Buzzi threw dollar tips to bell-hops and bus-boys
and told Childers and Waller that if they would
play théir cards right they would soon be doing the
same. They were drunk about all the time they
were in New York. Wild parties of mixed Whites
and Negroes went on every night. The young men
were introduced to Herman Hoffman, president of
the Anti-Nazi Gestapo; Isadore Lipsehutz, treasur-
er, a Jew-refugee diamond broker from Belgium.
who at that time was not even a citizen of the United
States and could speak only broken and gibberish
English and James H. Sheldon, administrative chair-
man of the Gestapo. Sheldon did at that time, and

does today, have a Negress as his private secretary.

Buzzi told Waller that he was a member of the
Communist Party, and everyone in the Gestapo

offices talked in praise of Communism, After a

4. ——
week or so of this wild life, and after signing many
lying affidavits while in drunken condition, Shel-
don, Buzzi, Fruchtbaum, Childers and Waller took
an airplane for Atlanta.



The three Jewish-Gestapo agents put up in suites
in one hotel, and Childers and Waller put up in a
suite in another hotel. On the morning of their
arrival the five of them went to the office of Dan
Duke. After a hasty conference Duke told two
Georgia Bureau of Investigation agents to accom-
pany Waller and Buzzi on a quest to buy some dy-
namite. He also had a ecarload of newspaper pho-
tographers ready to go alone with them. These
people left Duke’s office in two cars, the photog-
raphers following the car of the GBI agents in
which were Waller and Buzzi. Waller, in the com-
pany of Buzzi, succeeded in buying several sticks of
dynamite from some poor, illiterate and ignorant
well-diggers, at ten dollars per stick. Waller says
they had the money to pay one hundred dollars
per stick, or even more, for the dynamite if that
had been necessary. But seventy or eighty dollars
is a great amount of money to a poor well-digger.
Immediately the GBI agents arrest Waller and the
well-diggers, and the photographers start banging
away, all as planned by Duke, and the Atlanta and
New York agents of the, Jewish-Gestapo. All of
this happened on the morning of December 10, 1946.

— [4 —

That afternoon a great conference was held in the
office of Eugene Cook, the Attorney General of
Georgia, in which Sheldon spoke and said that Dan
Duke had invited his organization to send agents
into Georgia for the purpose of investigating the


That afternoon the Atlanta Journal roared forth
with a huge headline—TWO COLUMBIANS BARE
AIMS OF TERRORISM—and a great front-page
story told about the conference in Cook’s office.
In a four-column space on the front-page appeared
a photo in which Buzzi, Sheldon, Waller, Childers
and others were displaying dynamite which was
allezed to have been owned by our organization,
when as a matter of fact it had been purchased by
Waller at the direction of Dan Duke. Neither I
nor any of us had any more to do with that dyna-
nite than the man in the moon, but that huge
photo on page one served the propaganda purposes
of our enemies, as Dan Duke and his Jewish masters
Imew so well would be the case. The average per-
son reading that paper received the impression, in
no un¢ertain terms, that we had bought and owned
that dynamite, and that our object was to dynamite
Negro houses. Our enemies were trying to convict
‘us in the minds of the public before our trials.

I was out of Atlanta at the time of this confer-


ence in Cook’s office, being in Montgomery at the
bedside of my ill mother, but as quickly as I heard
of it over the radio, and in a front-page article in
ene of the Montgomery newspapers, I hurried to
Atlanta. On December 12th I swore warrants
against Renee Fruchtbaum, alias Renee Forrest;
Mario Buzzi, alias James Falco, and Jacob Shapiro,
alias Dr. James H. Sheldon. I accused them of
having violated sections 26-4901 and 26-4902 of the
Georgia Criminal Code; viz., of having illegally act-
ed as detectives and policemen, None of them were
citizens of Georgia, and none of them were legally
authorized to act as detectives in the State of Geor-
gia. According to the sections of the Criminal

Code mentioned above—which were enacted by the

seorgia Whiteman’s legislature after the Recon-
struction tyranny to fight Carpetbagger detective
agencies—both of these requirements must be met.
Sheldon had boasted in the press that his agents had
acted as detectives, and the Anti-Nazi League in a
form-letter—a copy of which is in my possession—
actually boasted that Sheldon directed the investiga-
tion. Fruchtbaum had boasted that she was a
“spy’’ within the Columbian organization. Dan
Duke boasted m the press, and later under oath in
court, that he invited the Anti-Nazi League to At-
lanta to investigate our organization, The hearing
on the Sheldon warrant came up on the 14th before
Judge Quiney Arnold. Our attorney at the time,
J. E. B. Stewart, called Congressman Wood of the

— 16 — c

Un-American Activities Committee and he con-
firmed what we already knew that his committee
had listed the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League as a
Communist-front organization. We had tremen-
dous evidence on our side. But in spite of all this,
and the brave all-day courtroom battle waged by
J. KE. B. Stewart, the judge dismissed my warrant
against Sheldon for lack of evidence! Later the
judge told Ed Bridges, an Atlanta reporter and
one of my witnesses who attended the conference in
Cook’s office, “‘Hd, old boy, you had me scared for
awhile. It looked like I was going to have to bind
over Sheldon. I would had to have done so if you
had said ‘investigator’ rather than ‘investigating’ ’’!
This same judge dismissed my warrant against
Fruechtbaum in January, 1947 on practically identi-
cal cireumstanees. My warrant has never been
served on Buzzi. He skipped town before it could
be served, but I know one deputy in particular who
is still anxious to serve it on him. The mills of the
Lord grind slowly but exceeding fine.


Armed with the so-called evidence, furnished by
Buzzi, Sheldon, Fruehtbaum, Childers and Waller
the Solicitor General (Prosecuting Attorney) E. B,
Andrews went before the Fulton County grand jury
on December 13th and obtained two indictments’
against me: illegal possession of dynamite and riot.
In the riot indictment Andrews used as the State’s

AZ ue

chief witness a young man with a lengthy criminal
record, whom he had just indicted that very same
day for car theft. This young man, Clarence Kight,
later stated that the whole case against us was a
frame-up. Ira Jett, a loyal and devoted member
of our organization, was also indicted for illegal
possession of dynamite. Our enemies, undoubtedly,
wished with all their hearts that Ira Jett would
weaken under such terrific strain and turn State’s
witness. But, thank God, Ira Jett did not testify
to such a lie. I was so busily involved on the 14th
in my courtroom battle against Sheldon that I did
not make arrangements about my bail. Upon the
conclusion of the Sheldon hearing I was imprisoned
in the Atlanta Tower.


While the grand jury was in session on the 13th
Westbrook Pegler was firing away with some thun-
derous blasts against the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi
League. His articles appear in the Atlanta Con-
stitution. But Ralph MeGill, Jew-stooge editor of
that newspaper, held-up these articles during that
time and did not publish the first of them until
December 17th. MeGill simply did not wish the
vrand jury to learn the truth about this deadly
crowd of mongrelizing Jews and Negroes. As soon
as I was released from the Tower on bail my friends
showed me the first of these powerful articles,
which had been published in New York. I viewed
that article as the clear light of hope and victory


that always breaks forth through the dark clouds
of disappointments and defeats, when men fight for
a good and God-santtioned cause. At long last a
prominent and nationally known columnist had
taken up the sword of truth, and with it was strik-
ing mortal-blows against the enemies of our people
and race. Here are excerpts from the article:

New York.—A few days ago a startling story broke
in the papers under an Atlanta dateline concerning
a secret organization called the Columbians, which ap-
pears to be anti-Semitic and anti-Negro.

The “break” of the news story was contrived in
dramatic fashion, revealing a professional touch. The
only ground for the startling allegations was the
“confessions” of two young backsliders, 18 and 21.

If this is a sinister and dangerous organization.
however, it obviously is petty by comparison with the
outfit which arranged the expose.

That organization is the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi
League of New York. It was organized in 1933 to
boycott Hitler’s Germany and, by other means, to
oppose the rise of Hitlerism. In the years since it
has become, by its own boast in the Atlanta case, a
secret, private espionage system.

It has no official equal in the agencies of the
United States government which even to this day do
not include a “secret police” service of this type... .

The Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League has absolutely
no standing as an official age icy of any branch of the
government nor does it present itself to the public as
a secret police or detective agency. It operates in the
guise of a group opposed to Hitlerism and similar


methods amounting to moral and political blackmail.
In the Atlanta case, nevertheless, its agents boast-
fully told of their cleverness in worming their way
into a private group.

The Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League has no more
right to employ the methods that it did employ against
the Columbians than it has to do the same thing to
the Masons, the Knights of Columbus, to any innocent,
law-abiding family or business organization... .- .

The President of the League is Herman Hoffman
and the Treasurer is Isidore Lipschutz. Lipschutz is
a refugee diamond broke: from Belgium who appears
to be either a rich man in his own right or to have
large financial backing.

The day after the news of the League’s coup in
Atlanta, I telephoned the office of the League in New
York to ask information, .« -

After I asked the man with the accent whether
Lipschutz were a citizen and he had answered “I
couldn't tell you”, he asked me, “Are you?”

“Yes”, I said. “A native. Are you a citizen?”
“T am an African”, he said, “An Abyssinian”,

And when I asked his name he answered in gib-
berish, which may nave been his name, at that. An
American ear easily might have had trouble with his
name, even if he had spelled it out.

Such is the expérience of one loyal, native citizen
of the United States in an honest approach, without
Jimmying, wire-tapping or pilfering, to this private
espionage system, operating under the financial ad-
ministration, possibly with the financial support, of
Mr. Lipschutz, the Antwerp diamond broker.


BE. E. Andrews, the solicitor-general of Atlanta
may feel pleased with the momentary and noes
sults of his collaboration with the Non-Sectarian Anti-
Nazi League. In that collaboration, however, the
State, has given official recognition to an organiza-
tion no less secretive than the Columbians and much
more efficient and, therefore more dangerous to the
peace, freedom, privacy and dignity of the citizens
of Georgia and all the other States.


During the course of my fight in Atlanta I ap-
peared in court before Judge Edgar Pomeroy on a
matter concerning our charter. Mr. Phil Davis of
Tulsa, a well-known nationalist and a brilliant law-
yer, accompanied me as counsel. Dan Duke ap-
peared representing the State. The judge agreed to
grant the request asked of him by Mr. Davis. Duke
1s a man with an extremely hot temper and was
infuriated by this rebuff from the judge. I shook
hands with the judge and said: “Judge Pomeroy,
I am glad that men like yourself are still on the
bench, for as long as they are I know our Anglo-
Saxon freedom is secure’’. As quickly as I had
uttered these words while my hand was in the hand
of the judge, Duke comes rushing up behind me

_ and strikes a heavy fist-blow upon my left-eye. The

ring on his finger cut a gash above the eye. He
fave me no chance whatever of protecting myself,
as he ran up from behind my back, and struck the
blow which I had no reason whatever to anticipate,

= oe


“to assume, however. that if I or a

I was shaking the judge’s
in a civilized courtroom. We were not, as the news-
papers inferred, engaged in an argument; I was
unaware that Duke was within hearing of my voice
when I spoke to the judge. The judge did not cite —

Duke for contempt of his court.
ny of my friends

all of us would

had done such a dastardly thing
I had to swear

have been thrown under the jail.
an assault warrant against Duke. A preliminary
hearing was held on this case and Duke asked for
a jury. This case was on the calendar once to be
heard by a jury, but the chief witness, the judge,
was unavailable as he was reported to be ill. This
incident—together with many others—proved to
ine that under the present tyranny of the Jews and
their stooges a man fas no more legal rights
in reality than the power of the organization to
which he belongs. I still have the bloody-handker-
chief with which I wiped my bloody-face that day,
and I shall ever keep it as a priceless memento of
the struggle we are waging to put our country back
into the hands of real Whitemen, and out of the
hands of the tyrannical Duke-type Sealawag, and
his Jewish Carpet Bagger masters. Again, the
mills of the Lord grind slowly but exceeding fine!


My trial began February 19, 1947. Members of
the Jewish-Gestapo were there in full force. Space


hand, and I thought I was }

But it is reasonable 1

— 22 — ~

does not permit me to go into the ils |
g details of th
Wa pda throughout its entire length the solic’.
: ° s w 1ce was in close collaboration with agents of
e Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League. They testified
against me during the trial. There were in all three
indictments against me, a total of seven counts. I
was convicted on three counts, and sentenced to
ae a year on each count, or a total of three years
In the opening statement the solicitor entirely
overlooking the simple and plain acts involved in
the indictment, accused me of being the head of a
conspiracy to overthrow the governments. of the
City of Atlanta, the State of Georgia and the United
States. It was clearly a case of being indicted on
one set of alleged facts and being tried on another
This is the typical technique of the Jewish-Gestapo
in its frantie effort to destroy our American civil
liberties. One of the trial jurors also served on the
grand jury that indicted me. The Jew-controlled
press had prejudiced the jury against me. Any
and all kinds of so-called evidence was allowed
against me, but members and friends who wished to
offer evidence for me were not allowed to do so
I was not even allowed to enter the State-granted
charter as evidence of our objectives and ideals. T
had the officials of the railroad where I had been
employed as character witnesses, but their testimony

was not allowed. Neither of the two lawyers I had
—W. George Thomas of Atlanta, and Herman Ross

of Tennessee—were acquainted with the vicious

= 28

trial-tactics of the Jewish-Gestapo. Mr. Ross, a
brave fighter for the Whiteman’s cause, is a kins-
man of President Andrew Jackson, and the same
spirit lives in him that lived in Old Hickory, but his
straightforward honesty was no equal to the devil-
ish cleverness of the Gestapo. The judge during my
trial was Carl Crow of Camilla, Georgia—a judge
out of the Atlanta area and a man who, one would
think, would not be prejudiced against me—but I
challenge anyone to read the record without having
the thought driven home to him that the Jewish-
Gestapo was well-pleased with his performance. The
judge erred over and over again. I was found
guilty—as the Jews, their contemptible Scalawags
and the mongrelizing Negroes laughed and giggled
—and was sentenced to serve on what is commonly
called the chain-gang. I told the jury that if I were
guilty of having done anything wrong then every

Whiteman of the Southland who feels that his Way |

of Life is threatened with destruction is also guilty
with me. Thank God there is a higher authority ©

than the verdict of that courtroom. That ‘authority
rests within the sovereign will of the Whitemen and
Whitewomen of America, and the day is coming—in
spite of all the Carpet-Baggers and Scalawags—
when that sovereign will shall give its approval to
everything I did in Atlanta in 1946-47. TI told a re-
porter, after hearing the anathema of Judge Crow,
that the conviction would only strengthen my de- }


termination to do my part in saving the Whiteman ’s
ey ay ot Life. Boyce McTyre, my dear friend who
as stood by me in all of my struggles, proudly
signed my appeal bond, as a photographer banged
a ay, using his home as the security. The case has
een In the courts since that time.


James Alin Was among the first three members
of the Columbians. He gave his life to the principles
for which we fought, and asked nothing in return
except the satisfaction of feeling that he was help-
ful, a little food and a cot in the Columbian offices
I trusted him as a brother. I Imew neither Waller
nor Childers very well. But I loved James Akin and
Saw in him one of the most valuable members of
the movement. It is difficult to believe but he
too became a backslider. The thought of prison
doors closing on him as one pathway, and the alter-
native of an unlimited amount of money, ease and
luxury for the rest of his life; made the decision for
him. But in June, 1947, after the trials, his consci-
ence hurt him so badly that he decided to come
forward and tell the whole miserable story about
the frame-up. He admitted in an affidavit that he
perjured during the trials, and stated that he was
willing, if necessary, to serve time to right the wrong
that he had done. He stated that he was threatened
by the solicitor’s office with twenty years imprison-


ment if he didn’t forsake the Columbians and testify
against them. He stated that Dan Duke had told
him that if someone would kill the leadership of the
Columbians that he would see to it that the murder-
er would go free. Lanier Waller has also come
forward since then and written an affidavit in which
he attests to our innocence, and in which he tells
about the vicious technique of the Non-Sectarian
Anti-Nazi League. .An affidavit of Mrs. Maud Rain-
ey, a member of the organization, states that Paul

Webb, an assistant solicitor at the time, tried to”

persuade her to perjure. I have also in my posses-
sion other affidavits as evidence that there was—
and still is today—a deliberate conspiracy on the
part of the Jewish-Gestapo and its stooges to deny
me my constitutional rights.


Last summer, after the case proper had gone up
through the Georgia courts and the conviction had
been confirmed, I filed an extraordinary motion
based upon the Akin affidavit. By the supreme ef-
fort of my lawyers, James Venable and Jackson
Barwick of Atlanta, I finally succeeded in having
it recognized, but my bond was raised from $3000
to $6000. J. L. Shipp of Atlanta, one of my dearest
friends, Boyee MceTyre, and another dear friend
Marshall Adams, finally succeeded in making the
bond. Soon thereafter I went to Baltimore and


a : e

worked as an architectural draftsman, until the Jews
brought such pressure against my employer that I
was released. Everywhere I work the Jews cause
me this kind of trouble. I could write a book about
this phase of my fight.



The Jewish-Gestapo does not only: wish to put
behind bars, and exterminate, those who have the
courage to oppose it, but it also goes after all those
who are friendly with its enemies. Both of my
lawyers have been approached by Gestapo efforts
to have them drop me as a client. The Jewish-Ges-
tapo tried to send one of my lawyers, James Venable,
to prison on a trumped-up charge. He was indict-
ed for attempt to bribe on the basis of testimony by
an Assistant Solicitor that he had offered him $500
to be used as a bribe to get a suspended sentence for
one of his clients. This same Assistant Solicitor
later resigned and gave to the press his reason for
doing so the pressure that Paul Webb, who is now
Solicitor General, had exerted against him in the
Venable case. The case was nol prossed. Venable
told the press that Webb brought this indictment
against him because he had the courage to file the
Akin extraordinary motion in my case. This in-
cident is typical of the extent to which the Gestapo
will go in its efforts to exterminate not only its
open foes, but the friends and even lawyers of its
foes, Until it is stamped out and the blasphemy,


en |



the traditional rights of the Whiteman in America

cannot be secure. It is composed of cowardly bul- ps oan
lies who do not dare act openly, but must work for OF ZION) (The: Pit cei ean ee Sian

| |
the Foul hypocrisy, and the treason of its stooges, ; CRUSADING LITERATURE

ever in an undercover and underground manner, ;
worming their way into our homes, schools, churches, (2) THE UNDERGROUND GESTAPO by Joseph P. Kamp..... 50
pouttics ang courts. a prea on the poisonous phi- (3) EXPOSING WALTER WINCHELL by Joseph P, Kamp... .35
losophy of turning Whiteman against Whiteman,
4 aes : = é ; (4) HENRY FORD AND THE JEWS...........-.0.:--200-00- 5
and springs from the cess-pools of the mongrelizers. Poe oy
(6) WORLD EMPIRE by Judge George W. Armstrong..... =as0 1.00
) i (7) THE TRAITORS. Dynamic expose by Judge George
{ Wp Armstrong ce ecaicu a see cate Pen ek): Yat Ga ame 125
HELP DISTRIBUTE THIS TRACT (8)| THE PALESTINE PLOT =» acb.b-des as ease eee 1.00
This tract may be obtained in bulk for distribution by Major Robert H. Williams .........., Briealawtele eMart G 25
at the following rates: (10) SUICIDE SQUAD (A sensational summary of backsronnds
‘ and motives involving Washington and New York suicides),, .50
TS COW Yilg oe ee ot eC)
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] q (16) ‘THE KEY TO THE MYSTERY by Adrian Avcand. (A
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