Box 19, Folder 2, Document 67

THE | ram,
° Dan Smoot Reporte:
Vol. 12, No. 24 (Broadcast 564) June 13, 1966 Dallas, Texas a.

DAN SMOOT
THE BONDAGE OF THE FREE
; Massive and prolonged propaganda has given American whites a guilt complex about Ne-
groes, White taxi drivers in Boston and Detroit may — and many frequently do reveal intense

feelings about the growing danger of Negro lawlessness, about the great burden of welfare for
Negroes, about Negro invasions of white privacy and Negro violations of white property rights;

but they sprinkle their comments with such defensive apologies as, “Don’t misunderstand me: I
believe in civil rights for Negroes,” and “ I don’t have any prejudice against Negroes.”







Most whites who know, or instinctively feel, that the civil rights movement is a threat to our
civilization have been shamed into silence.

The Bondage Of The Free explains this strange, dangerous situation; gives a history of the
civil rights movement; tells who originated the movement and why; predicts bloody consequences
for the nation if something is not done; tells what can be done. The Bondage Of The Free,
a 381-page book by Kent H. Steffgen, will be off the press late this month. It should be read and

O widely distributed as soon as it is available.

Convinced of the importance of the book, I urge you to order it from The Dan Smoot Report
now, so that it can be delivered to you the moment it is ready. Prices, in paperback: 1 copy $1.00;
5 for $3.75; 10 for $7.00; 25 for $16.75; 50 for $32.50; 100 for $60.00. Please send payment with
orders.

From The Book

The following excerpts and paraphrases give a sampling of the style and content of The Bond-
age Of The Free.

The success of semantics shows that Americans have not yet learned to wage a political of-
fense against a collectivist scheme which holds the onus of color over their heads as a psycho-
social guilt factor. Trying to avoid the accusiation of “racial prejudice,” white Americans are
abandoning an entire social system and way of life — the consummation of centuries. ‘“Con-
science,” which would normally function as a natural barrier against evil, is used as the catalyst —



THE DAN SMOOT REPORT is published weekly by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., Box 9538, Dallas,
Texas 75214 (office at 6441 Gaston Ave.). Subscriptions: $18.00 for 2 years; $10.00, 1 year; $6.00, 6
months; first class, $12.50 a year; airmail, $14.50. Dan Smoot was born in Missouri, reared in Texas.
With BA and MA degrees from SMU (1938 and 1940), he joined the Harvard faculty (1941) as a
Teaching Fellow, doing graduate work in American civilization. From 1942 to 1951, he was an FBI agent;
from 1951 to 1955, a commentator on national radio and television. In 1955, he started his present inde-
pendent, free-enterprise business: publishing this REPORT and abbreviating it each week for radio and
O TV broadcasts available for commercial sponsorship by business firms.





Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1966. Second Class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas
No Reproductions Permitted.

Page 125




for a gigantic political swindle, and has, thus, be-
come a national burden instead of a national
asset.

“Rights,” as offered to the Negro ostensibly to
liberate him from the horrors of American life,
have no roots in American political tradition. In
the system created by our Founding Fathers, socal
equality — historically a political tool of dema-
gogues — was to give way to personal equality,
subject only to the desire of individuals to achieve
it. The Constitution was the greatest “civil rights”
document ever framed. The civil rights movement
— supplanting the Constitution — marks not the
beginning but the end of genuine Negro advance-
ment.

Laws which brazenly commit Negroes and
whites to conflict; intrusions into the private life
and political rights of Americans everywhere; the
desires of the majority subjected to the arbitrary
will of an entrenched minority — all of this has
been done under the disarming phrase “rights for
the Negro.” And there is much more to come.

In June, 1965 — after the monstrous 1964 Civil
Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act had
become laws — President Johnson spoke to the
Negro student body at Howard University, urging
Negroes not to be satisfied with all that had been
done. The President implied that “rights for the
Negro” may eventually include: a law forbidding
whites to move out of an integrated neighbor-
hood; a law forbidding whites to exclude Ne-
groes from private clubs, schools, fraternities;
laws prohibiting the use of ‘inflammatory’ lan-
guage against Negroes; federal troop escorts for
Negroes into local governments throughout the
South.

When a United States President can stand be-
fore the American people and demand the amal-
gamation of the Negroes into the white social
order, he is committing the nation to civil war.
The more the whites reject invasions of their
liberty and property, the more violent become
the Negroes. No simpler formula exists to pro-
duce premeditated chaos. And the deeper the

Page 126

struggle sinks into a personal schism between the
races, the more violent become the possible di-
mensions of that wat.

To Democrat and Republican politicians who
fan the fires of race hatred, supporting civil rights
for Negroes is merely a means of acquiring and
holding political power — a cynical bid for the
Negro vote which, cast almost solidly as a bloc in
the big cities, is a potent political factor.

The politicians do not want civil war, but that
is what they are promoting. The civil rights
movement was conceived by communists for the
purpose of creating racial violence that’ would
turn into a civil war — civil war on a racial basis.
In such a war, should they succeed in fomenting
it, communists hope to undermine the government
and social structure of America so that they can
seize power.

Hiding behind the Negro, communists and
their fellow travelers will hijack Americans of all
their political and social rights and immunities
as free individuals and leave them standing there
with a guilt complex — stripped of their consti-
tutional safeguards — confused as to what else
can be done to compensate for the plight of the
Negro.

By coincidence, humanitarians and commu-
nists stand side by side pleading the Negro cause.
They have different motives, but operate on the
same assumption, namely, that the Negro desires
to live by white standards.

Facts belie the assumption.

Integration cannot help the Negro. His prob-
lems are not caused by segregation. The worst of
them result from: (a) the Negro’s own nature
and ethnocentric codes; (b) welfare money he has
learned to depend on from birth to death; (c)
ambitious middle-class Negroes — and a lot of
whites — who exploit him and discourage him
from pursuing a more productive life; (d) com-
munist agitators; (e) misguided humanitarians

The Dan Smoot Report, June 13, 1966 (Vol. 12, No. 24)

who patronize him and heap pity on him for the
wrong reasons.

Negroes will not get what they have been
taught to expect from civil rights legislation —
namely, heaven. Sooner or later, Negroes will
realize that they are not in utopia merely because
they can eat in white restaurants and live in white
neighborhoods. Negroes are not suffering from
suppression. They are drowning in agitation.

Based on what are felt to be unalterable cul-
tural differences between African and Caucasian,
segregation in the South was embraced as in the
best interest of both races.

The South segregated its schools not only for
social reasons but also because of difference in
educability — a difference which has been well
illustrated throughout the North since 1954.
Whites and Negroes in integrated schools regu-
larly end in separate classrooms, not because of
color but because of individual achievement. In-
ability to compete in the primary grades produces
feelings of humiliation and inferiority, which be-
come causes of delinquency and anti-social be-
havior among Negro minors. For this and other
reasons, the South abandoned integrated school-
ing 80 years ago, thus sparing the Negroes the
injustice, and society its effects, by allowing them
to identify more closely with their own scholas-
tic element — other Negroes.

Southern life permits the Negro to achieve his
own level within the context. of Negro culture.
In the North, whites attempt to fit the Negro into
a white environment, thus creating conflict.

When Negroes cross the Mason-Dixon line,
most of them go directly on welfare. Through
welfare, the state outside the South takes the
paternal place of the southern white. The Negro
can now vote for a living, and rest easy as a con-
sumer rather than a producer. He can go fishing,
buy a bottle of wine, or lounge with his friends
until doomsday. Life in the slums offers low rent
and the morale-building company of other slum
dwellers. It pays for his children, his children’s
children, and his illegitimate children. Welfare to

The Dan Smoot Report, June 13, 1966 (Vol. 12, No. 24)

the slum dwelling Negro is like sex insurance.
The more children he can produce, the more
government money finds its way into the colored
district as an inducement to procreate.

Skilled propagandists persuade the Negro to
despise his identity and view himself with shame,
to dislike his own appearance, and to blame the
white community for all his troubles. With
schools and job training within walking distance,
he is told he must invade the white social order
to acquire the status and high living standard
which is rightfully his. Externally-induced cha-
grin mixed with hatred and jealousy — all arti-
ficially contrived — have started the Negro on
the road to becoming a revolutionary in the com-
munist cause.

We have already had ominous harbingers of
things to come.

The 1965 Negro insurrection in Watts was the
work of only 2 percent of the total Negro popu-
lation. Compared with the possibilities of a 40
percent or 90 percent Negro participation, the
Watts affair was a mere curtain-raiser, nothing but
a minor foray.

Minor though it was (in comparison with what
it could have been), the Watts insurrection did
show that all major American communities are
vulnerable.

With months of preparation behind them, a
handful of trained agitators manufactured enough
flash and brazenness to convince thousands of
Negroes that their best chances for kicks, thrills,
and spoils lie in joining up with the revolution,
rather than wasting away in the dull workaday
world of effort and convention. Why settle for
the monotony of Caucasian custom when swing-
ing times are to be had through armed rebellion?
And even for that, the whites will continue to
pay the bill.

That the potential for more violence hovers
constantly over U. S. cities, few will deny. But
observers seem agreed that the introvert tenden-
cies the Negroes think they see in the white popu-

Page 127




lation should not be seized on by them as a pre-
mature basis for optimism. In spite of all the evi-
dences, the most unpredictable factor in the entire
rights struggle is not Negro unrest, but the pos-
sibility of a sudden and unexpected change in
white attitude toward retaliation.

Today, it is a very uncertain force that keeps
the white community passive. Should a sudden
impulse sweep through the population to jar loose
the drug-like grip of affluence and self-indul-
gence, white wrath could well surpass anything
the nation has yet seen. This potential social hur-
ricane — which might at any moment start howl-
ing through the streets of American cities, pro-
ducing wholesale massacre of Negroes by enraged
and senseless mobs of whites — shifts uneasily
beneath the surface as the civil rights movement
builds to a climax.

The white backlash against scandalous and
lawless favoritism and agitation of Negroes al-
ready exists. We see this in the universally known
fact that whites, throughout the nation, are willing
to give up their homes, businesses, jobs — to
avoid integration. We have seen little indication
of the white backlash in elections, because politi-
cians, like the population in general, have been
so brainwashed that they are ashamed to oppose
the civil rights movement. About the only poli-
ticians who dare discuss the movement are the
liberals who support it. Conservatives generally
try to avoid the issue, or take meaningless stands.

If we had sound conservatives running for high
office, campaigning openly on an anti-civil rights

politically. Whites, by political action, could re-
store the crumbling foundations of their society,
reestablish the Constitution as the law of the land,
force repeal of unconstitutional civil rights laws
that are transforming our nation into a socialist
dictatorship. If whites are not given opportunity
to protect their persons, properties, rights, and
liberties by political action, they will inevitably
resort to violence.

Many conservatives despair of ever winning a
significant number of elective offices from liberal
Democrats and liberal Republicans who have
bought their jobs by promising everyone some-
thing for nothing. It may be true that a majority
of American voters can never be persuaded to
vote against the socialist welfare state; but a ma-
jority of whites — even those who generally vote
for liberals — would vote for intelligent conserv-
atives taking sensible, unequivocal stands against
the civil rights movement.

The civil rights movement — designed to de-
stroy our Republic, and thundering toward that
goal with tornadic speed — could become the
political issue with enough vitality and national
appeal to save our Republic.



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THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, Box 9538, Dallas, Texas 75214

The Dan Smoot Report, June 13, 1966 (Vol. 12, No. 24)