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‘
July 18, 1966
Later I will introduce legislation which
would increase the unit-cost limitations
for family housing in amounts which it
is felt would provide proper and adequate |
facilities.
Mr. Speaker, the men who wear the
, uniform of America’s armed services are
| expected to assume whatever risk may be
' required of them. They can never enjoy
a normal, happy homelife, such as that
which is available to most of us. The
career man simply cannot put down
roots in the community of his choice. At
the very least, we should attempt to help
him to feel that he does have a home
which is pleasant and attractive and
comfortable. At too many military bases
this is far from true. A good many serv-
icemen live in World War II barracks
which were inadequate even when they
were built more than 20 years ago,
Let us correct this situation. It will
have a profound effect upon morale and,
I believe, a significant effect upon reten-
tion of desirable personnel in the armed
services. :
DEATH OF GI . A. G. L. McNAUGH-
' TON
(Mr. RONCALIO asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to include a newspaper
article.)
Mr. RONCALIO., Mr. Speaker, this
week death came to one of the outstand-
ing men on this continent and in our age.
He was Gen. A. G. L. McNaughton, a re-
tired general who had commanded
Canadian Armies in both World War I
and II.
General McNaughton was a remark-
able human being who achieved reknown
as an engineer, a statesman, an inventor,
and general. He was a man with whom
Iwas honored to serve as my counterpart
on the International Joint Commission,
United States and Canada, for 2. years,
1961 and 1962, until his retirement.
An obituary published in the Washing-
ton Post on July 12 follows:
GENERAL McNavucuHTron Dean; SHAPED CANA-
DIAN ARMY
MONTEBELLO, Quebec, July 11—<Gen. A. G.
L. McNaughton, architect of the modern
Canadian army who fought in two World
Wars, died today at his summer home here,
Ho was 79.
The man who commanded the Ist Cana-
dian Army before the Invasion of France had
been in apparent good health recently. The
cause of death was not made public.
A brigadier at 31 in World War I he was
credited with inventing the box barrage—an
artillery firing system boxing in the enemy.
He was wounded in the battles of Ypes and
Soissons. A month before the end of the war
he was placed in command of all Canadian
heavy artillery.
After the armistice, he returned to Canada
and began forming the nucleus of the Cana-
dian army he was to commaria for a time in
World War Ii. The military forces were re-
organized during his tenure as chief of staff,
M'GILL GRADUATE
An engineering graduate of McGill Univer-
sity, Gen. McNaughton became chairman of
the National Research Council in 1935. He
came with some crédentials as a research
physicist. He invented the cathode-ray
compass, an aid to airplane pilots. The gen-
No, 111I—11
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE
eral was still with the Research Council when
World War II broke out, He immediately was
oat a back to the command of Canadian
Orees,
By now a major general, he took tho 1st
\ Canadian Division to England, by 1940 he was
promoted to lieutenant general and placed
in command of the 7th Corps of Canadian
and English units. He devised a flexible
defense system of tank traps, rond barriers
and entrenchments against a possible Ger-
man invasion after the fall of France.
When the Ist Canadian Army was created,
Gen, McNaughton was placed in command
and in constant maneuvers over the coun-
tryside, whipped it into a finely drawn fight-
ing foree. He called his army “a dagger
aimed at Berlin.” But he was not destined
to lead it into battle.
In December, 1948, he became ill and the
year 1944 found him back in Canada relieved
of duty. The relinquishment in command
was believed due in part to disagreement
with the National Defense Ministry, which
detached a corps from his army and sent it
off to the war in Sicily and Italy over his
protest. The ministry said the men were
eager and impatient for battle.
TERRIDLE MISTAKE
"“T still think I was right,” he said later.
“It was a terrible mistake to break up the
army.”
The army was reunited in time for the
Normandy invasion in June, 1944, but the
command had passed to Gen. H.D.G, Crerar,
who led it through the battles of France,
Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany.
Back in Canada, Gen. McNaughton was
named Minister of National Defense and later
became chairman of the Canadian-Ameri-
can Joint Defense Board. After the war he
served as Canadian representative to the
United Nations Atomic Energy Commission,
president of the Atomic Energy Control
Board of Canada and Canadian chairman of
the international joint commission that han-
dles U.S. and Canadian affairs.
The general, whose full name was Andrew
George Latta McNaughton, was born at Mos-
somin, Sask., Feb. 25, 1887. He married in
1914 to Mable Weir. They had three sons
and two daughters. One son, squadron lead-
er Ian McNaughton of the Royal Canadian
Air Force, was killed in action in June, 1942,
The widow and the other children survive.
(Mr, WAGGONN asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend his
remarks and to include an editorial.)
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, we.
may_well_haye passed the point of no
return in the revolutionary violence in
this Nation which masks itself under the
Tame “civil rights.” We may be beyond
the hour of Midnight; it may already be
zero-zero-zero-one. If that is true, and
I pray that it is not, every American will
feel the hot breath of revolution on the
nape of his neck, whether he be con-
servative, liberal, or radical, or any shade
of philosophy in between.
beni Oday is
of the Socialist and the Communist.
This is not to say, of course, that all
Negroes are Socialists or Communists,
for they definitely are not. This is to
say that in too many cases they are the
14791
pawns of the left; the radical group
which will discard them as useless when-
their_purpose_has been served.
The Shreveport Times published on
June 28 a masterful editorial on this sit-
uation under the title “Revolution?” If.
there we yay I could r e
American £0 read it, I would. I must, at
Teast, make the eliort to gi
tionwide m it deserves by includ-
ing it here in the Recorp. L urge every
Member to study it line by line.
TEVOLUTION ?
The civil rights movement in this country
has taken a distinctly revolutionary turn.
Doubters can look at the most recent de-
mands of rights leaders: $50 billion for Negro
welfare over the next 10 years; all local police
power in federal hands; federal trials for
civil rights cases; forced, integration to con to_com-
pel “racial balance.” ‘The list is longer than
we have space.
Much of the evidence of a new revolution-
ary outlook in the rights drive is visual—all
too visual. Ata critical juncture in its effort
to maintain racial accord, Mississippi finds
itself stormed by marchers shouting “black
power” and flaunting slogans that could in-
cite blacks or whites—or both—to bloodshed.
What we have, in essence, is a remarkably
cynical bid on the part of rights leaders for
martyrs—martyrs that will transfuso their
cause with somebody's real blood.
But the revolutionary bell tolls not only
in Dixle. Far to the west of Mississippi,
California has seen the flames, real flames,
of open rebellion in Watts, Across the con-
tinent, New York City sits on a summer
powderkeg of mob violence and so-called
racial ‘‘moderates" like Martin Luther King
ighting the ruse
threats of ‘disorder’ unless deman
me Z ————
In between, revolutionary sparks have
fallen on midland cities Mke Chicago and
Cleveland where Negroes and other racial
minorities have taken their troubles into the
street, firing cars, smashing glass, and_shoot-
ing at police. Of her places are braced ior
trotible that Negro leaders and advocates
have predicted—as a result of this or that
“prievance."
Federal officials, now concerned over the
idlent character of the revolution, haven’ t
helped_to curb violence with their varue
Implications That the only way for “op-
presse people to pet “somethine” is tor
Them to go out into the strects on a hot night
and heave a_brickbat through somebody's
store window,
Revolutionary attitudes, of course, have
spread beyond the area of civil rights and
into the minds and morals of some elements
of our most important commodity—youth.
There is 2 spirit of anarchy abroad, of “any-
thing foes,” that masks ilscly in democratic
a but_see to giory in dope and dirt
words, Deflance of law, of all authority, is
the hallmark of revolution and we can see it
not only in youthful campus rebels but in
the rising tide of crime in this nation.
This has beon a country of law and order—
the founding fathers thought nothing more
important—but the Supreme Court of this
era has put itscif in the vaneunre “revo
tion and its ruiln & often only mirror
tne demands the miiitants. The Warren
ourG scems to be—at times—a revolution-
ary tribunal rather than a constitutional
arbiter,
All federal office-holders take an oath to
uphold the Constitution, but the “liberal”
fashion of permissiveness and the raw, ex-
posed power of minority voting blocs have
packed more power than Bible-sworn prom-
14792
ises. Congress has often ylelded to the
revolutionary tides in these circumstances.
But there are other reasons why radicalism
hhas replaced common sense and realism in
dealing with our problems, the most im-
portant of which is the fact that this racial
revolution Is given—as much as possible—
mouflaze trappings of ‘legitimacy; of
democracy; of doing what is right; of going
with the flow of history. This illusion has
been made almost perfect by three decades of
liberal indoctrination. i Ws ee
It is not unusual for revolutionary ideas
to sweep up so-called “liberals” or progres-
sives. Short-cuts to some vague all-equal
socialist paradise appeal to many people who
honestly do not believe in authoritarian
government. The shortest short-cut to this
“paradise” is a social revolution in this
country. So Martin Luther King save “we
can't wait.” I'reedom now! As he proiesses
“llohi-violence,” he shouts that “we will
make the white power structure say ‘yes’
when it wants to say “0,7”
Why wait, indeed. The Russian _revolu-
tionaries said freedom was their goal, too.
And maybe it was. ‘The oppressed worker
was the Russian Revolutionary cause Just as
the Negro is advanced as today’s vehicle of
total change. But Russia no longer is revo-
lutionary; radically reactionary is the phrase
for the Kremlin. What happened to those
dreams of freedom? What happened to the
worker?
The trouble is that revolutionists are all
too human, Once in power they want to stay
in power, The way to stay in power is to
establish a dictatorship. Nothing is there to
stop them because the wave of revolution
‘has destroyed the checks and balances, the
institutions and traditions that could have
barred the way to totalitarianism, The Rus-
- slan worker was just a pawn of power.
This nation has avoided such social revo-
lutions and as a result freedom has endured
on these shores. Some inequities prevail,
but the best system of justice yet devised—
together with freedoms no other nation en-
joys—provide eventual outlets for most of
our troubles. The American way of dealing
with problems as they arise has been one of
calm, lawful evolution—not the revolution
we now are seeing.
What good will it do the Negro if, in com-
pelling a revolutionary equality for him, the
wider freedoms of all Americans—black or
white—are lost? The Russian worker had a
revolution made in his name, too, but in the
end only a deeper slaver as_his reward.
It can happen here. It is happening here.
LEGISLATIVE SOLUTION TO THE
“TNCONSCIONABLE” AIRLINE
STRIEE
(Mr. DEVINE asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks,
and to include several editorials.)
Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Speaker, the words
“unconscionable strike" are headlined in
the editorials of the New York Times.
The Washington Daily News, and Sena-
tor Wayne Morse, of Oregon, Chairman
of the Presidential Emergency Board,
express public concern in the pending
controversy between the International
Association ‘of Machinists and United,
Trans World, National, Eastern, and
Northwest Airlines. Similar editorials
have also appeared in other newspapers
across the Nation including the Wash-
ington Evening Star, Washington Post,
and the Wall Street Journal.
This crippling and unnecessary strike
has again emphasized the sterility of the
provisions of. the Railway Labor Act as
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE
well as the efforts of emergency boards
appointed under this act to resolve labor
disputes in the transportation field.
To repeat what I said on July il, the
reports of the emergency boards have
never in my recollection been totally ac-
cepted by the parties to the dispute; in-
deed these reports, as in the present air-
line-IAM dispute, have served only as 2
new basis to try to get substantially more
concessions irom management.
The President of the United States
should promptly exercise his great pow-
ers in an effort to persuade the IAM to
settle this strike within the reasonable
perimeter of the Emergency Board re-
port which L.B.J. described as “the
framework for a just and prompt setile-
ment.” The President should also ask
Congress for immediate legislation de-
signed to forbid any future strike in the
transportation industry under similar
circumstances as exist in the present
controversy which cause such 2 great in-
convenience to the public, including Viet-
nam veterans trying to get a few frantic
minutes’ leave at home.
I am today introducing a bill, H.R.
16189, identical to S. 3587, introduced by
Senator Frank Lavuscue, of Ohio, pro-
viding that whenever a labor dispute has
occurred in the vital transportation in-
dustry and after the Conciliation Service
and Mediation Board have exercised un-
successfully its power to bring about a
settlement, tLe President shall create a
Presidential Board that has the power to
make final decisions.
For the information of my colleagues
I am attaching copies of the editorials
from the New York Times, Washington
Post, Washington Evening Star, Wash-
ington Daily News, and the Wall Strect
Journal to be included as a part of my
remarks:
[From the Washington Daily News, July 9,
1966]
AIRLINE STRtce
By any standard, the strike of the Interna-
tional Association of Machinists against five
major airlines is unfortunate. As usual, it
is the public that suffers most. On that
ground alone the strike ought to be ended—
and speedily.
The union wants a bigger share of the in-
dustry’s Tecent substantial prosperity. It
blames “short-sighted” management for the
strike and declares its dissatisfied members
“have a right to strike." .
The employers, bargaining together for the
first time, point out that they accepted—
while the union rejected—as the basis for
settlement the recent recommendations of a
Presidential Emergency Board. President
Johnson called the recommendations “the
framework for a Just and proper settlement,
which is in the notional interest." The com-
panies say they liave sweetened the pot "by
an additional substantial offer above the
Board's proposals" that would exceed the
estimated $76 million cost of the recom-
mendations.
These are the facts. What complicates
this—and very nearly every labor-manage-
ment relationship—are the intangible, the
human, the political considerations, One of
these is the union's announced determina-
tion to smash the Administration's 3.2 per
cont wace guidelines even tho the Presi-
dential Board's recommendations were in ex-
eess of that figure. They want to claim
credit for it themselves rather than having
the board do it for them.
Another factor is the union's internal po-
July 13, 1966
litical problem. The highly skilled me-
chanics, in a strong bargaining position he-
cause they are in short supply, object to
being grouped in the same unit with porters,
kitchen workers, ramp and store personnel.
They say the unskilled depress their wage
and working standards,
Asa result, IAM leaders, faced with a revolt
by militant mechanics and fearful of losing
them, apparently feel the neccssity for be-
ing more militant still.
But surely these political and intangible
considerations are not sufficient reason for
shutting down GO per cent of the domestic
trunk line industry, for depriving 150,000
daily passengers of air service at the start
of the vacation season and for disregarding
public opinion and the public interest.
Under Presidential prompting both sides
have agreed to resume negotiations. They
could do no less. We urge them to settle
thelr differences realistically and speedily.
[From the Washington Evening Star, July
11, 1966]
A Strike AGAINST THE PuBLIc
The International Association of Machin-
ists seems determined to press its strike
against five of the nation's major airlines to
the point where restrictive labor legislation
will become a matter of urgent national
policy. * :
The latest manifestation of the union's
“Public-be-damned" attitude was the an-
nouncement last night that IAM personnel
would be forbidden to service any aircraft
leased by the struck airlines to those still
operating. The leasing plan could, under
no stretch of the imagination, be considered
a strike-breaking move. The legitimate eco-
nomic pressure on the struck lines would
ave remained in full effect. The only re-
sult would have been to alleviate, in some
small degree, the crisis in the nation’s trans-
portation system, war effort and economic
life. Now, even that slender reed has been
snatched away.
Even before this latest ill-considered ac-
tion, the union put itself on shaky ground by
spurning every attempt by disinterested par-
tics to head off the strike. Every statutory
means of avoiding the crisis was passed up.
In addition, the union brushed aside the offer
of the National Mediation Board for bind-
ing arbitration. A presidentially appointed
emergency board headed by Senator Warne
Monse, probed the issues in dispute and came
up with a recommendation for wage increases
averaging 3.3 percent. The carriers accepted
the package; the union rejected it. Despite
the fact that the proposal exceeded the ad-
ministration’s economic guideposts, Presi-
dent Johnson hailed it as the basis for "a
just and prompt settlement.” The airlines’
final offer 4s even more liberal than the
proposals of the emergency board. But the
union walked out.
The union's main contention is that the
airlines are prosperous and that the workers
should share in that prosperity. 1t is true
that the airlines are prosperous. It is also
true that the union membership already
shares in that prosperity in the forra of high
wages and an ever-increasing number of jobs
available, But the suggestion that wage dis-
pute settlements should be based directly on
profits could be taken seriously only if ac-
companied by a@ proposal for a lower wage
package for the less prosperous of the carriers
and 2 decreased scale in the event profits
should slack off. The union has made no
such suggestion.
The threat of a strike and the strike itself
are legitimate weapons in collective bargain-
ing. But the thou,).\\ess, capricious use of
that weapon to crefntc voc in the nation's
economy can only increase the demand for
congressional action to curso abuses of union
power.
4
‘
July 18, 1966
Later I will introduce legislation which
would increase the unit-cost limitations
for family housing in amounts which it
is felt would provide proper and adequate |
facilities.
Mr. Speaker, the men who wear the
, uniform of America’s armed services are
| expected to assume whatever risk may be
' required of them. They can never enjoy
a normal, happy homelife, such as that
which is available to most of us. The
career man simply cannot put down
roots in the community of his choice. At
the very least, we should attempt to help
him to feel that he does have a home
which is pleasant and attractive and
comfortable. At too many military bases
this is far from true. A good many serv-
icemen live in World War II barracks
which were inadequate even when they
were built more than 20 years ago,
Let us correct this situation. It will
have a profound effect upon morale and,
I believe, a significant effect upon reten-
tion of desirable personnel in the armed
services. :
DEATH OF GI . A. G. L. McNAUGH-
' TON
(Mr. RONCALIO asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to include a newspaper
article.)
Mr. RONCALIO., Mr. Speaker, this
week death came to one of the outstand-
ing men on this continent and in our age.
He was Gen. A. G. L. McNaughton, a re-
tired general who had commanded
Canadian Armies in both World War I
and II.
General McNaughton was a remark-
able human being who achieved reknown
as an engineer, a statesman, an inventor,
and general. He was a man with whom
Iwas honored to serve as my counterpart
on the International Joint Commission,
United States and Canada, for 2. years,
1961 and 1962, until his retirement.
An obituary published in the Washing-
ton Post on July 12 follows:
GENERAL McNavucuHTron Dean; SHAPED CANA-
DIAN ARMY
MONTEBELLO, Quebec, July 11—<Gen. A. G.
L. McNaughton, architect of the modern
Canadian army who fought in two World
Wars, died today at his summer home here,
Ho was 79.
The man who commanded the Ist Cana-
dian Army before the Invasion of France had
been in apparent good health recently. The
cause of death was not made public.
A brigadier at 31 in World War I he was
credited with inventing the box barrage—an
artillery firing system boxing in the enemy.
He was wounded in the battles of Ypes and
Soissons. A month before the end of the war
he was placed in command of all Canadian
heavy artillery.
After the armistice, he returned to Canada
and began forming the nucleus of the Cana-
dian army he was to commaria for a time in
World War Ii. The military forces were re-
organized during his tenure as chief of staff,
M'GILL GRADUATE
An engineering graduate of McGill Univer-
sity, Gen. McNaughton became chairman of
the National Research Council in 1935. He
came with some crédentials as a research
physicist. He invented the cathode-ray
compass, an aid to airplane pilots. The gen-
No, 111I—11
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE
eral was still with the Research Council when
World War II broke out, He immediately was
oat a back to the command of Canadian
Orees,
By now a major general, he took tho 1st
\ Canadian Division to England, by 1940 he was
promoted to lieutenant general and placed
in command of the 7th Corps of Canadian
and English units. He devised a flexible
defense system of tank traps, rond barriers
and entrenchments against a possible Ger-
man invasion after the fall of France.
When the Ist Canadian Army was created,
Gen, McNaughton was placed in command
and in constant maneuvers over the coun-
tryside, whipped it into a finely drawn fight-
ing foree. He called his army “a dagger
aimed at Berlin.” But he was not destined
to lead it into battle.
In December, 1948, he became ill and the
year 1944 found him back in Canada relieved
of duty. The relinquishment in command
was believed due in part to disagreement
with the National Defense Ministry, which
detached a corps from his army and sent it
off to the war in Sicily and Italy over his
protest. The ministry said the men were
eager and impatient for battle.
TERRIDLE MISTAKE
"“T still think I was right,” he said later.
“It was a terrible mistake to break up the
army.”
The army was reunited in time for the
Normandy invasion in June, 1944, but the
command had passed to Gen. H.D.G, Crerar,
who led it through the battles of France,
Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany.
Back in Canada, Gen. McNaughton was
named Minister of National Defense and later
became chairman of the Canadian-Ameri-
can Joint Defense Board. After the war he
served as Canadian representative to the
United Nations Atomic Energy Commission,
president of the Atomic Energy Control
Board of Canada and Canadian chairman of
the international joint commission that han-
dles U.S. and Canadian affairs.
The general, whose full name was Andrew
George Latta McNaughton, was born at Mos-
somin, Sask., Feb. 25, 1887. He married in
1914 to Mable Weir. They had three sons
and two daughters. One son, squadron lead-
er Ian McNaughton of the Royal Canadian
Air Force, was killed in action in June, 1942,
The widow and the other children survive.
(Mr, WAGGONN asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend his
remarks and to include an editorial.)
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, we.
may_well_haye passed the point of no
return in the revolutionary violence in
this Nation which masks itself under the
Tame “civil rights.” We may be beyond
the hour of Midnight; it may already be
zero-zero-zero-one. If that is true, and
I pray that it is not, every American will
feel the hot breath of revolution on the
nape of his neck, whether he be con-
servative, liberal, or radical, or any shade
of philosophy in between.
beni Oday is
of the Socialist and the Communist.
This is not to say, of course, that all
Negroes are Socialists or Communists,
for they definitely are not. This is to
say that in too many cases they are the
14791
pawns of the left; the radical group
which will discard them as useless when-
their_purpose_has been served.
The Shreveport Times published on
June 28 a masterful editorial on this sit-
uation under the title “Revolution?” If.
there we yay I could r e
American £0 read it, I would. I must, at
Teast, make the eliort to gi
tionwide m it deserves by includ-
ing it here in the Recorp. L urge every
Member to study it line by line.
TEVOLUTION ?
The civil rights movement in this country
has taken a distinctly revolutionary turn.
Doubters can look at the most recent de-
mands of rights leaders: $50 billion for Negro
welfare over the next 10 years; all local police
power in federal hands; federal trials for
civil rights cases; forced, integration to con to_com-
pel “racial balance.” ‘The list is longer than
we have space.
Much of the evidence of a new revolution-
ary outlook in the rights drive is visual—all
too visual. Ata critical juncture in its effort
to maintain racial accord, Mississippi finds
itself stormed by marchers shouting “black
power” and flaunting slogans that could in-
cite blacks or whites—or both—to bloodshed.
What we have, in essence, is a remarkably
cynical bid on the part of rights leaders for
martyrs—martyrs that will transfuso their
cause with somebody's real blood.
But the revolutionary bell tolls not only
in Dixle. Far to the west of Mississippi,
California has seen the flames, real flames,
of open rebellion in Watts, Across the con-
tinent, New York City sits on a summer
powderkeg of mob violence and so-called
racial ‘‘moderates" like Martin Luther King
ighting the ruse
threats of ‘disorder’ unless deman
me Z ————
In between, revolutionary sparks have
fallen on midland cities Mke Chicago and
Cleveland where Negroes and other racial
minorities have taken their troubles into the
street, firing cars, smashing glass, and_shoot-
ing at police. Of her places are braced ior
trotible that Negro leaders and advocates
have predicted—as a result of this or that
“prievance."
Federal officials, now concerned over the
idlent character of the revolution, haven’ t
helped_to curb violence with their varue
Implications That the only way for “op-
presse people to pet “somethine” is tor
Them to go out into the strects on a hot night
and heave a_brickbat through somebody's
store window,
Revolutionary attitudes, of course, have
spread beyond the area of civil rights and
into the minds and morals of some elements
of our most important commodity—youth.
There is 2 spirit of anarchy abroad, of “any-
thing foes,” that masks ilscly in democratic
a but_see to giory in dope and dirt
words, Deflance of law, of all authority, is
the hallmark of revolution and we can see it
not only in youthful campus rebels but in
the rising tide of crime in this nation.
This has beon a country of law and order—
the founding fathers thought nothing more
important—but the Supreme Court of this
era has put itscif in the vaneunre “revo
tion and its ruiln & often only mirror
tne demands the miiitants. The Warren
ourG scems to be—at times—a revolution-
ary tribunal rather than a constitutional
arbiter,
All federal office-holders take an oath to
uphold the Constitution, but the “liberal”
fashion of permissiveness and the raw, ex-
posed power of minority voting blocs have
packed more power than Bible-sworn prom-
14792
ises. Congress has often ylelded to the
revolutionary tides in these circumstances.
But there are other reasons why radicalism
hhas replaced common sense and realism in
dealing with our problems, the most im-
portant of which is the fact that this racial
revolution Is given—as much as possible—
mouflaze trappings of ‘legitimacy; of
democracy; of doing what is right; of going
with the flow of history. This illusion has
been made almost perfect by three decades of
liberal indoctrination. i Ws ee
It is not unusual for revolutionary ideas
to sweep up so-called “liberals” or progres-
sives. Short-cuts to some vague all-equal
socialist paradise appeal to many people who
honestly do not believe in authoritarian
government. The shortest short-cut to this
“paradise” is a social revolution in this
country. So Martin Luther King save “we
can't wait.” I'reedom now! As he proiesses
“llohi-violence,” he shouts that “we will
make the white power structure say ‘yes’
when it wants to say “0,7”
Why wait, indeed. The Russian _revolu-
tionaries said freedom was their goal, too.
And maybe it was. ‘The oppressed worker
was the Russian Revolutionary cause Just as
the Negro is advanced as today’s vehicle of
total change. But Russia no longer is revo-
lutionary; radically reactionary is the phrase
for the Kremlin. What happened to those
dreams of freedom? What happened to the
worker?
The trouble is that revolutionists are all
too human, Once in power they want to stay
in power, The way to stay in power is to
establish a dictatorship. Nothing is there to
stop them because the wave of revolution
‘has destroyed the checks and balances, the
institutions and traditions that could have
barred the way to totalitarianism, The Rus-
- slan worker was just a pawn of power.
This nation has avoided such social revo-
lutions and as a result freedom has endured
on these shores. Some inequities prevail,
but the best system of justice yet devised—
together with freedoms no other nation en-
joys—provide eventual outlets for most of
our troubles. The American way of dealing
with problems as they arise has been one of
calm, lawful evolution—not the revolution
we now are seeing.
What good will it do the Negro if, in com-
pelling a revolutionary equality for him, the
wider freedoms of all Americans—black or
white—are lost? The Russian worker had a
revolution made in his name, too, but in the
end only a deeper slaver as_his reward.
It can happen here. It is happening here.
LEGISLATIVE SOLUTION TO THE
“TNCONSCIONABLE” AIRLINE
STRIEE
(Mr. DEVINE asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks,
and to include several editorials.)
Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Speaker, the words
“unconscionable strike" are headlined in
the editorials of the New York Times.
The Washington Daily News, and Sena-
tor Wayne Morse, of Oregon, Chairman
of the Presidential Emergency Board,
express public concern in the pending
controversy between the International
Association ‘of Machinists and United,
Trans World, National, Eastern, and
Northwest Airlines. Similar editorials
have also appeared in other newspapers
across the Nation including the Wash-
ington Evening Star, Washington Post,
and the Wall Street Journal.
This crippling and unnecessary strike
has again emphasized the sterility of the
provisions of. the Railway Labor Act as
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE
well as the efforts of emergency boards
appointed under this act to resolve labor
disputes in the transportation field.
To repeat what I said on July il, the
reports of the emergency boards have
never in my recollection been totally ac-
cepted by the parties to the dispute; in-
deed these reports, as in the present air-
line-IAM dispute, have served only as 2
new basis to try to get substantially more
concessions irom management.
The President of the United States
should promptly exercise his great pow-
ers in an effort to persuade the IAM to
settle this strike within the reasonable
perimeter of the Emergency Board re-
port which L.B.J. described as “the
framework for a just and prompt setile-
ment.” The President should also ask
Congress for immediate legislation de-
signed to forbid any future strike in the
transportation industry under similar
circumstances as exist in the present
controversy which cause such 2 great in-
convenience to the public, including Viet-
nam veterans trying to get a few frantic
minutes’ leave at home.
I am today introducing a bill, H.R.
16189, identical to S. 3587, introduced by
Senator Frank Lavuscue, of Ohio, pro-
viding that whenever a labor dispute has
occurred in the vital transportation in-
dustry and after the Conciliation Service
and Mediation Board have exercised un-
successfully its power to bring about a
settlement, tLe President shall create a
Presidential Board that has the power to
make final decisions.
For the information of my colleagues
I am attaching copies of the editorials
from the New York Times, Washington
Post, Washington Evening Star, Wash-
ington Daily News, and the Wall Strect
Journal to be included as a part of my
remarks:
[From the Washington Daily News, July 9,
1966]
AIRLINE STRtce
By any standard, the strike of the Interna-
tional Association of Machinists against five
major airlines is unfortunate. As usual, it
is the public that suffers most. On that
ground alone the strike ought to be ended—
and speedily.
The union wants a bigger share of the in-
dustry’s Tecent substantial prosperity. It
blames “short-sighted” management for the
strike and declares its dissatisfied members
“have a right to strike." .
The employers, bargaining together for the
first time, point out that they accepted—
while the union rejected—as the basis for
settlement the recent recommendations of a
Presidential Emergency Board. President
Johnson called the recommendations “the
framework for a Just and proper settlement,
which is in the notional interest." The com-
panies say they liave sweetened the pot "by
an additional substantial offer above the
Board's proposals" that would exceed the
estimated $76 million cost of the recom-
mendations.
These are the facts. What complicates
this—and very nearly every labor-manage-
ment relationship—are the intangible, the
human, the political considerations, One of
these is the union's announced determina-
tion to smash the Administration's 3.2 per
cont wace guidelines even tho the Presi-
dential Board's recommendations were in ex-
eess of that figure. They want to claim
credit for it themselves rather than having
the board do it for them.
Another factor is the union's internal po-
July 13, 1966
litical problem. The highly skilled me-
chanics, in a strong bargaining position he-
cause they are in short supply, object to
being grouped in the same unit with porters,
kitchen workers, ramp and store personnel.
They say the unskilled depress their wage
and working standards,
Asa result, IAM leaders, faced with a revolt
by militant mechanics and fearful of losing
them, apparently feel the neccssity for be-
ing more militant still.
But surely these political and intangible
considerations are not sufficient reason for
shutting down GO per cent of the domestic
trunk line industry, for depriving 150,000
daily passengers of air service at the start
of the vacation season and for disregarding
public opinion and the public interest.
Under Presidential prompting both sides
have agreed to resume negotiations. They
could do no less. We urge them to settle
thelr differences realistically and speedily.
[From the Washington Evening Star, July
11, 1966]
A Strike AGAINST THE PuBLIc
The International Association of Machin-
ists seems determined to press its strike
against five of the nation's major airlines to
the point where restrictive labor legislation
will become a matter of urgent national
policy. * :
The latest manifestation of the union's
“Public-be-damned" attitude was the an-
nouncement last night that IAM personnel
would be forbidden to service any aircraft
leased by the struck airlines to those still
operating. The leasing plan could, under
no stretch of the imagination, be considered
a strike-breaking move. The legitimate eco-
nomic pressure on the struck lines would
ave remained in full effect. The only re-
sult would have been to alleviate, in some
small degree, the crisis in the nation’s trans-
portation system, war effort and economic
life. Now, even that slender reed has been
snatched away.
Even before this latest ill-considered ac-
tion, the union put itself on shaky ground by
spurning every attempt by disinterested par-
tics to head off the strike. Every statutory
means of avoiding the crisis was passed up.
In addition, the union brushed aside the offer
of the National Mediation Board for bind-
ing arbitration. A presidentially appointed
emergency board headed by Senator Warne
Monse, probed the issues in dispute and came
up with a recommendation for wage increases
averaging 3.3 percent. The carriers accepted
the package; the union rejected it. Despite
the fact that the proposal exceeded the ad-
ministration’s economic guideposts, Presi-
dent Johnson hailed it as the basis for "a
just and prompt settlement.” The airlines’
final offer 4s even more liberal than the
proposals of the emergency board. But the
union walked out.
The union's main contention is that the
airlines are prosperous and that the workers
should share in that prosperity. 1t is true
that the airlines are prosperous. It is also
true that the union membership already
shares in that prosperity in the forra of high
wages and an ever-increasing number of jobs
available, But the suggestion that wage dis-
pute settlements should be based directly on
profits could be taken seriously only if ac-
companied by a@ proposal for a lower wage
package for the less prosperous of the carriers
and 2 decreased scale in the event profits
should slack off. The union has made no
such suggestion.
The threat of a strike and the strike itself
are legitimate weapons in collective bargain-
ing. But the thou,).\\ess, capricious use of
that weapon to crefntc voc in the nation's
economy can only increase the demand for
congressional action to curso abuses of union
power.
4