Box 19, Folder 17, Document 93

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Che New Vork Cimes.

ApoLpH S. Ocus, Publisher 1896-1935
Orvis E. Drrroos, Publisher 1961-1963


ARTHUR Hays SULZBERGER, Chairman of the Board
ARTHUR OcHS SULZBERGER, President and. Publisher

HARDING F, BANCROFT, Vice President and Secretary

After the Treaty
The historic treaty between the United States,

' Britain and Soviet Russia banning all nuclear

weapons tests in the atmosphere, under water
and in outer space is being hailed throughout
the world as a promising beginning of a new
epoch in Hast-West relations. After all the bleak
years of cold war and the recurring crises that
found their climax in the near-collision over
Cuba, the world breathes easier today and there
is new hope that it can banish the threat of
nuclear holocaust.

But, important as the treaty is for what it

‘ says and what it may portend, it is at best

-. only a start toward larger goals. President

Kennedy rightly warns that it is not the millen-
nium and that the road ahead is still long and
rocky, As he pointed out, it is a limited treaty

_ ‘which does not even stop all tests, though it.

would stop further lethal fallout. Both real dis-
armament and the political settlements that
must go hand in hand with it remain far off.

The key to a solution of these problems is
largely in Soviet hands, Premier Khrushchev

agreed to the test-ban treaty he had previously

rejected because, as Under Secretary of State
_ Harriman says, he “very much wanted one at
thia time.” The Soviet ruler says he wants more
agreements, If so, the West will do its utmost

’ to reach them. But will Khrushchev? And on

what terms?
The hard fact is that Soviet Russia’s signa-

' ture on the treaty does not mark the end of
its drive toward a Communist world triumph,
_ though it may now pursue that goal by means

short of nuclear war. In fact, both the treaty
and the “nonaggression pact” Russia wants may
bécome weapons in the Soviet “peace” arsenal
—to line up Asia and Africa against the “war-
mongering” Chinese Communists and to soften

~ up the West for political settlements that would

» impair itg alliances. As Mr. Khrushchev told the
Chinese: “The struggle for peace, for peaceful
coexistence, is organically bound up with the

olutionary struggle against imperialism. It
Piskent the front of imperialism, isolates its
more aggressive circles from the masses of the
“ people and helps in the struggle for national
liberation,” The West is warned.

Furthermore, the treaty itself can be abro-
gated if “extraordinary events” jeopardize “the
supreme interests” of any of its signatories. The
_ Russians insisted on this reservation, over a

| narrower definition proposed by the West, as

an obvious safeguard against nuclear armament
’ ‘by other powers. They may have Germany in
mind and certainly they are eoncerned about

- Communist China, which boasts that it will soon

break the “white” nuclear monopoly. They may

FrAnNcrIs A, Cox, Treasurer

to very little? Is it not a game that every country
is playing with every other? A game that nobody
can win? A game that isn’t worth the effort?

Adjusting to Automation

The United Steelworkers of America and the
employers with whom it deals have again dem-
onstrated that collective bargaining can produce
constructive answers to the problems of techno-
logical change without tests of economic muscle
or Government coercion. The contracts just
reached by the union and the major aluminum
producers represent an imaginative extension of
the progress-sharing principles embodied in the
union’s agreements with the steel and can

All the aluminum workers—not just those
with long seniority—will qualify for 10 weeks
of vacation every five years, with 13 weeks’ pay
to help them enjoy their sabbatical. Fringe bene-
fits will also be liberalized, but there will be
no increase in direct money wages. The changes
are designed to give the workers a share in the
benefits of increased productivity on a basis that
will expand total employment opportunities and
avoid any increase in aluminum prices.

The new contracts, coupled with those already
signed by the union through its joint Human
Relations Committee in basic steel and its long-
range committee in Kaiser Steel, ought to serve
as a spur to the deadlocked negotiators in the
nation’s railroads. The guidelines for a sound
agreement have been laid down by two Presi-
dential commissions, created only because of the
atrophy of the bargaining process in this pivotal

Any formula Congress approves for barring
a rail strike through legislative compulsion will
set a damaging precedent. The month-long truce
agreed to by the railroads provides a last oppor-
tunity for the unions to demonstrate that their

concept of bargaining is not summed up in the
single word “no.”

Up to now they have been gambling on the
proposition that the Government will continue
to retreat in the face of their obduracy, and that
finally they can extort a settlement that will
saddle the carriers with thousands of unneeded
jobs. The trouble with this venture in brink-
manship is not only that the gamble involves
a strike in which the economy would be the
chief victim but that a “victory” for the unions
would jeopardize all job security by pushing the
railroads closer to bankruptey.

This is the lesson the disastrous 116-day strike
of 1959 taught both sides in steel. Unfortunately,
there is no sign yet that the railroad unions
have achieved comparable enlightenment.



__ peceably official.
. game, government statements may be deliber-
-~ ately false in order to mislead “the enemy.” But,

President Kennedy is trying to persuade Presi-

= dent de Gaulle to adhere to the treaty, but
-- success is unlikely unless France, an acknowl-
~ edged nuclear power, is put on a par with Britain
_. and supplied with the same nuclear information

we now give the British. If we did so, the pur-
. pose would not be to “cause, encourage or partic-

-- ipate in’ further French tests, which is forbid-
= den by the treaty, but to make such tests

unnecessary without hampering France’s nuclear
French adherence to the new pact might prove

- a preliminary to agreement by France to join
_. in building a NATO nuclear force and to restore
» Western solidarity. That is still an essential

‘safeguard of peace.

The Art of Spying

Do not implicitly trust anything you read
about spies and spying even if the source is im-
By the accepted rules of the

of course, they may be true. Naturally, truth is

3 often very confusing.

The layman can be excused for ruminating in

~ this fashion as he reads his morning newspaper.

' The cast of characters needs a Dickens or a

_. Dostoievsky (not a historian, of course) to do

- justice to the parade of diplomats, scientists,
- journalists, homosexuals, prostitutes and—best
of all—intelligence agents who betray their out-

“. fits and their fellow spies. Nothing could be
'— more devious or fascinating than a double agent.
~ At least, it is comforting for the layman to
~ contemplate the bungling and blindnesses of the
.. professionals, Devotees of the whodunits surely
.. could do better. Trained by Eric Ambler, Georges
» Simenon and Jan Fleming, they would never have

' permitted a Bay of Pigs invasion; a successful
' Christine Keeler; a fantastic 10-year career of
- ex-Nazi German intelligence officers providing
. the Russians with 15,000 photographs, 20 spools
of tape and many a secret of the West Germans
and NATO. Not that the Russians should boast;
- they had Penkovsky.
. Even though the real spy cases may he
: stranger than fiction, you don’t get the solutions
: as you do in the thrillers. Nothing could be
-more fascinating than the stories of the British
journalist H. A. R. Philby, or the Swedish Air
- Force Col. Stig Wennerstrom; but at their most
“interesting points the volumes are snapped shut
and put away in secret places where even in-
_telligence chiefs, like characters in a Kafkaesque
‘tale, probably cannot find them.
The outsider must be forgiven for believing
_ that any time any government wants to arrest
- and/or expel X-number of spies, it digs into its
' files and comes up with the requisite quantity.
- When spies are under surveillance they are,
’ * unbeknownst, spying for the country they are
spying on. The most dangerous spies of all are,
to be sure, the ones who are never caught. There
is nothing that the C.I.A., MI-5, K.B.G., Sureté
and all the other intelligence and counter-intel-
ligence organizations can do about them.
_ Is it not possible, in fact, that all this es-
pionage and counter-espionage; all these agents
and double agents, intelligence officers, counter-
intelligence officers, plots and paraphernalia
from infinitesimal microphones to beds, add up

ADEA EP ee ee pene

On. rare occasions the oratorical fog on
Capitol Hill is pierced by a voice resonant with
courage and dignity. Such a voice was heard
when Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. of Atlanta testified
before the Senate Commerce Committee in sup-
port of President Kennedy's bill to prohibit
racial discrimination in stores, restaurants and
other public accommodations.

On the basis of the very substantial accom-
plishments that his city of a half-million, the
largest in the Southeast, has made in desegre-
gating publicly owned and privately owned facili-
ties, he might have come as a champion of
“states’ rights’ and of the ability of localities
to banish discrimination without Federal law.
Certainly, he would have had much more war-
rant to espouse that view than the Barretts, the
Wallaces and the other arch-segregationists
who raise the specter of Federal “usurpation”
as a device for keeping Southern Negroes in

But Mr. Allen was not in Washington to boast.
He was there to warn that even in cities like
Atlanta the progress that had been made might
be wiped out if Congress turned its back on the
Kennedy proposal and thus gave implied en-
dorsement to the concept that private businesses
were free to discriminate. He left behind this
charge to finish the job started with the Emanci-
pation Proclamation a century ago: “Now the
elimination of segregation, which is slavery’s
stepchild, is a challenge to all of us to make
every American free in fact as well as in theory
—and again to establish our nation as the true
champion of the free world.”

The Fiddlers

The long-legged, rasp-winged insects now come
into their own, and we won't hear the last of
them till hard frost arrives. They are the leaping
fiddlers, the grasshoppers, the crickets and the

Grasshoppers are spoken of in the Bible as
“locusts,” and their hordes have contributed in
many lands, including our own West, to the long
history of insect devastation and human famine.
Walk through any meadow now, or along any
weedy roadside. and you will see them leaping
ahead of you, hear the rasping rattle of their
harsh wings in brief flight. But they do little real
fiddling. The fiddlers now are the crickets.

Listen on any hot afternoon or warm evening,
particularly in the country, and you will hear
the crickets even though you seldom see them.
In the afternoon you will hear the black field
crickets, chirping as we say, and often into the
warm evening, But in the evening, from dusk on
through the warm night, the more insistent sound
will be the trilling of the pale green tree crickets.
Individually the tree cricket's trill is not so loud,
but because all those in the neighborhood
synchronize their trills the sound can be as
insistent as were the calls of the spring peepers
back in April.

The loudest fiddlers of all are the katydids,
which look like green, hunch-backed grasshop-
pers. Night after night they rasp wing on wing
and make that monotonous call, shrill and seem-
ingly endless, But the katydids won't be heard
for another two weeks or so. Meanwhile the
crickets possess late July, chirping and trilling —
the warm hours away as though summer endured |

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