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Garner-Howard Smith-Harry Byrd-John McClellan congressional Democrats; and the Allen Treadway*-Robert Taft-Charles Halleck congressional Republicans." These are not mere party wings, claims Burns; their differences are institutional and ideological. The power fulcrum of the presidential parties is the national convention , where they dominate rankand-file delegates. "The Robert T afts and the Lyndon Johnsons usually do not win at Chicago or Philadelphia. " The Electoral College compels the presidential parties to "cater to the urban masses and their liberal dogmas ." For leadership, they draw from the ranks of big-city lawyers, Eastern fin ancial executives, academicians ( Republican examples: Elihu Root , Henry Stimson , John Foster Dulles, Douglas Dillon ) . These parties are generall y internationalist , favor activist government, are concerned with broad " way-of-life" issues . . The congressional parties, on the other hand , use their control of legislative machinery to block the presidential parties. They draw their leadership from the small towns, concentrate mainly on breadand-butter economic issues. Many Congressmen are from districts with little competition ( Burns contends that a mere 125 of the 435 House districts are even reasonably competitive ), gain powerful seniority advantages over Congressm~n from swing districts who ideologically incline towa rd the presidential parties. Among Democrats cited by Burns as presidential _party members: New York's Emanuel Celler, Rhode I sland 's John Fogarty, California's Chet Holifield ; among Republicans: New Jersey's Senator Clifford Case and New Yo rk's Senator J acob Javi ts. John Kennedy, says Burns , shifted to the presidential pa rty while still in the Senate. Tantalizing Question. The res ulting deadlock , writes Burns, can and should be broken-by helping the presidential parties swallow their· congressional counterparts. To bring this about, he urges elimination of the seniority system in Congress , reapportionm ent of gerrymandered districts,t uniform elec tion laws for the Senate , House and presidency , mass dues-paying memberships for the parties. "It is better that a lot of people give a little money than that a few give a lot. " The rewards for such reorganization of the parties, Burns a rgues, would be

Treadway was a conserva ti ve Rep ublican

from weste rn Massac hu se tts mounta in country who se£ved 32 years in the H ou e of Represe nta tives (19 13-44), 25 of them on the Ways and Mean s Committee. Burn s cites him as an ex a mple of congressional R epub li cans fr om non co mpetiti ve di s tri cts, simil a r to many So uthern D emocrats. t Column is t Roscoe Drummond contends tbat present ma lappo rt ionment work.s to the disadvantage of Republicans : Republ ica n cand ida tes for the House won 48% of the nationwide congression a l vote in November but captured only 40 % of the seats. Th e G.O.P ., he cla im s, won one sea t fo r every 1 3 7,000 of its votes, tbe D emocra ts one for each 100 , 000 of theirs . 22 imm ense. "The great task of the presidential party is to forge a new majo rity organized down to the wards and precincts , towns and villages and effective in Congress as well as in the executive branch. Whether this task will be accomplished by the presidential Democrats under John F. Kennedy, or by the president ial Republicans under someone like Rockefeller, is one of the tantalizing questions of the future ." Tantalizing it certainly is. But is it reali stic? After all , one of Burns's favorites, Franklin Roosevelt , tried hard to swallow up the Democratic congressional party-and got bloodied up m the a ttempt. tantalizingly close to a white neighborhood called Cascade Heights, where homes range from $20,000 to a few at $50,000. Block-Busting. Both Negroes and whites acted badly in the events that led up to the barrier between Collier Heights and Cascade H eights. Negro real estate brokers used block-busting techniques to try to buy homes in the Pey ton-Utoy subdivision of Cascade Heights . They falsely told white residents that their neighbors had put their homes up for sale and conspicuously drove Negro clients through the area on Sunday to frighten white owners. A white real estate man th.reatened to sell his home and some lots to Negroes in order to get a higher price from white buyers in the area ; he actually ended up signing contracts with both a white owners' group and a Negro . Since WAYN E WILSON, LEVIT ON -A TLANTA MAYOR ALLEN A le sso n unlearned. ATLA N TA ' S WALL THE SOUTH Divided City It was in Berlin that the tragic and dramatic lesson of what happens to a divided city came home to m e, and if I could make you see it as I saw it, you would share with m e my feeling that Atlant a must not be a city divided . In his inaugural speech last yea r, Atlanta's Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. thus warned his fe llow citizens of the effects of the Berlin Wall , which he had recently viewed. But las t wee k Atlanta itself was di vided by a pair of 2-ft.-10-in .-high steel-andwood barri cades set up by the city to prevent Negroes from mo ving into a white neighbo rh ood . Atlanta 's white-Negro relationships have Jong been considered among the best in the South. But the city's 200,960 Negroes (39 .9 % of the population ) a re hard pressed for Jiving room. They live on 24 .6 % of the total land zoned for residential purposes, are largely confi ned to a black belt running north west to southeast through the heart of the city . In this belt, one of the best districts is Collier Heights, in north west Atlanta. The main trouble with Collier Heights is that it is Jul y, it has been impossible to sell a house in Peyton-Utoy to a white buyer, and white owners we re panicked by the threat to their property values. Virgil Copeland , president of the Southwest Citizens Association , a group of homeo wners in Cascade Heights, finally went to Mayor Allen and suggested closing off two roads that run between the N egro and white areas to prevent encroachments by Negroes and act as a psychological stimulant to white buyers. Allen called in Negro leaders to discuss the possibility of erecting barriers. In return, the city would rezone 250 ac res for Negro residential use. Understandably , the Negroes protested. Into Court. Mayor Allen turned the matte r ove r to the board of aldermen, which voted to erec t the barriers. At 7 the fo llowing morning , workmen were on P eyton and H arlan roads driving I beams into the pavement. The Negroes of Atla nta, represented by a new All-Citizens Committee composed of most Negro organizations in the city, refused to deal with the city un til the barriers come down. Negroes have lost one su it in court to have the ba rri ers torn down , but a further test is pending before superior court in Atlanta . Last week the board of aldermen considered a resolution to remove the barriers-and voted it down IO to 3. TIME, JANUARY 18, 1963 �