.ODM3Mg.ODM3Mg

THE 0 IJanlmootReport Vol. 12, No. 24 (Broadcast 564) June 13, 1966 Dallas, Texas DAN SMOOT THE BONDAGE OF THE FREE Massive and prolonged P.ro a anda has iven American whites a guilt complex about Nean many frequently do - reveal mtense feelings about the growing danger of Negro lawlessness, about the great burden of welfare for Negroes, about Negro invasions of white privacy and Negro violations of white property rights; but they sprinkle their comments with such defensive apologies as, "Don't misunderstand me: I believe in civil rights for Negroes," and " I don't have any prejudice against Negroes." rn White taXI drivers in Boston and Detroit may - Most whites who know, or instinctively feel, that the civil rights movement is a threat to our civilization have been shamed into silence. 0 The Bondage Of The Free explains this strange, dangerous situation; gives a history of the civil rights movement; tells who originated the movement and why; predicts bloody consequences for the nation if something is not done; tells what can be done. The Bondage Of The Free, a 381-page book by Kent H. Steffgen, will be off the press late this month. It should be read and widely distributed as soon as it is available. Convinced of the importance of the book, I urge you to order it from The Dan Smoot Report now, so that it can be delivered to you the moment it is ready. Prices, in paperback: 1 copy $1.00; 5 for $3.75; 10 for $7.00; 25 for $16.75; 50 for $32.50; 100 for $60.00. Please send payment with orders. From The Book The following excerpts and paraphrases give a sampling of the style and content of The Bondage Of The Free. The success of semantics shows that Americans have not yet learned to wage a political offense against a collectivist scheme which holds the onus of color over their heads as a psychosocial guilt factor. Trying to avoid the accusiation of "racial prejudice," white Americans are abandoning an entire social system and way of life - the consummation of centuries. "Conscience," which would normally function as a natural barrier against evil, is used as the catalyst - 0 THE DAN SMOOT REPORT is published weekly by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., Box 9538, Dallas, Texas 75214 (office at 6441 Gaston Ave.). Subscriptions: $18.00 for 2 years; $10.00, 1 year; $6.00, 6 months; first class, $12.50 a year; airmail, $14.50. Dan Smoot was born in Missouri, reared in Texas. With BA and MA degrees from SMU (1938 and 1940), he joined the Harvard faculty (1941) as a Teaching Fellow, doing graduate work in American civilization. From 1942 to 1951, he was an FBI agent; from 1951 to 1955, a commentator on national radio and television. In 1955, he started his present independent, free-enterprise business: publishing this REPORT and abbreviating it each week for radio and TV broadcasts available for commercial sponsorship by business firms. Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1966. Second Class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas No Reproductions Permitted. Page 125 �for a gigantic political swindle, and has, thus, become a national burden instead of a national asset. "Rights," as offered to the Negro ostensibly to liberate him from the horrors of American life, have no roots in American political tradition. In the system created by our Founding Fathers, social equality - historically a political tool of demagogues - was to give way to personal equality, subject only to the desire of individuals to achieve it. The Constitution was the greatest "civil rights" document ever framed. The civil rights movement - supplanting the Constitution - m~rks not the beginning but the end of genuine Negro advancement. Laws which brazenly commit Neg roes and whites to conflict; intrusions into the private life and political rights of Americans everywhere ; the desires of the majority subjected to the arbitrary will of an entrenched minority - all of this has been done under the disarming phrase "rights for the Negro. " And there is much more to come. In June, 1965 - after the monstrous 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act had become laws - President Johnson spoke to the Negro student body at Howard University, urging Negroes not to be satisfied with all that had been done. The President implied that "rights fo r the Negro" may eventually include: a law forbidd ing whites to move out of an integrated neighborhood; a law forbidding whites to exclude N egroes from private clubs, schools, fra ternities; laws prohibiting the use of 'inflammatory' language against Negroes; federa l troop escorts for Negroes into local governments throughout the South. When a United States President can stand before the American people and demand the amalgamation of the Negroes into the white social order, he is committing the nation to civil war. The more the whites reject invasions of their liberty and property, the more violent become the Negroes. No simpler formula exists to produce premeditated chaos. And the deeper the Page 126 struggle sinks into a personal schism between the races, the more violent become the possible dimensions of that war. To Democrat and Republican politicians who fan the fires of race hatred, supporting civil rights for Negroes is merely a means of acquiring and holding political power - a cynical bid for the Negro vote which, cast almost solidly as a bloc in the big cities, is a potent political factor. The politicians do not want civil war, but that is · what they are prombting. The civil rights movement was conceived by communists fo r the purpose of creating racial violence that' would turn into a civil war - civil war on a racial basis. In such a war, should they succeed in fomenting it, communists hope to undermine the government and social structure of America so that they can seize power. Hiding behind the Negro, communists and their fellow travelers will hij ack Americans of all their political and social rights and immunities as free individuals and leave them standing there with a guilt complex - stripped of their constitutional safeguards - confused as to what else can be done to compensate fo r the plight of the Negro. By coincidence, humanitarians and communists stand side by side pleading the N egro cause. They have different motives, but operate on the same assumption, namely, th at the Negro des ires to live by white standards. Facts belie the assumption. Integration cannot help the Negro. H is problems are not caused by segregation. The worst of them result from : (a) the Negro's own nature and ethnocentric codes; (b) welfare money he has learned to depend on from birth to death; ( c) ambitious middle-class Negroes - and a lot of whites - who exploit him and discourage him from pursuing a more productive life; ( d) communist agitators; ( e) misguided humanitarians The Dan Smoot RepMt, June 13, 1966 (Vol. 12, N o. 24) who patronize him and heap pity on him for the wrong reasons. Negroes will not get what they have been taught to expect from civil rights legislation namely, heaven. Sooner or later, Negroes will realize that they are not in utopia merely because they can eat in white restaurants and live in white neighborhoods. Negroes are not suffering from suppression. They are drowning in agitation. Based on what are felt to be unalterable cultu ra l differences between African and Caucasian, · segregation in the South was embraced as in the best interest of both races. The South segregated its schools not only for social reasons but also because of difference in educability - a difference which has been well illustrated throughout the North since 195 4. Whites and Negroes in integrated schools regularly end in separate classrooms, not because of color but because of individual achievement. Inability to compete in the primary grades produces feelings of humiliation and inferiority, which become causes of delinquency and anti-social behavior among Negro minors. For this and other reasons, the South abandoned integrated schooling 80 years ago, thus sparing the Negroes the injustice, and society its effects, by allowing them to identify more closely with their own scholastic element - other Negroes. Southern life permits the Negro to achieve his own level within the context of Negro cu ltu re. In the North, whites attempt to fi t the N egro into a white environment, thus creating confl ict. W hen Negroes cross the Mason-Dixon line, most of therri go directly on welfare. Through welfare, the state outside the South takes the paternal place of the southern white. The Negro can now vote for a living, and rest easy as a consumer rather than a producer. He can go fishing, buy a bottle of wine, or lounge with his friends until doomsday. Life in the slums offers low rent and the morale-building company of other slum dwellers. It pays for his children, his children's children, and his illegitimate children. Welfare to T he Dan Smoot Re(JMI, June 13, 1966 (Vol. 12, N o. 24) the slum dwelling Negro is like sex insurance. The more children he can produce, . the more government money finds its way into the colored district as an inducement to procreate. Skilled propagandists persuade the Negro to despise his identity and view himself with shame, to dislike his own appearance, and to blame the white community for all his troubles. W ith schools and job training within walking distance, he is told he must invade the white social order to acquire the status and high living standard which is rightfully his. Externally-induced chagrin mixed with hatred and jealousy - all artificially contrived - have started the Negro on the road to becoming a revolutionary in the communist cause. We have already had ommous harbingers of things to come. The 1965 Negro insurrection in Watts was the work of only 2 percent of the total Negro population. Compared with the possibilities of a 40 percent or 90 percent N egro participation, the W atts affair was a mere curtain-raiser, nothing but a minor foray. Minor though it was ( in comparison with what it could have been), the Watts insurrection did show that all major American communities are vulnerable. With months of preparation behind them, a handful of trained agitators manufactured enough flash and brazenness to convince thousands of N egroes that their best chances for kicks, thrills, and spoils lie in joining up with the revolution, rather than wasting away in the dull workaday world of effort and · convention. Why settle for the monotony of Caucasian custom when swinging times are to be had through armed rebellion? And even for that, the whites will continue to pay the bill. That the potential for more violence hovers constantly over U. S. cities, few will deny. But observers seem agreed that the introvert tendencies the N egroes think they see in the white popuPage 127 �lation should not be seized on by them as a premature basis for optimism. In spite of all the evidences, the most unpredictable factor in the entire rights struggle is not Negro unrest, but the possibility of a sudden and unexpected change in white attitude toward retaliation. Today, it is a very uncertain force that keeps the while community passive. Should a sudden impulse sweep through the population to jar loose the drug-like grip of affluence and self-indulgence, white wrath could well surpass anything the nation has yet seen. This potential social hurricane - which might at any moment start howling through the streets of American cities, producing wholesale massacre of Negroes by enraged and senseless mobs of whites - shifts uneasily beneath the surface as the civil rights movement builds to a climax. The white backlash against scandalous and lawless favoritism and agitation of N egroes already exists. We see this in the universally known fact that whites, throughout the nation, are willing to give up their homes, businesses, jobs - to avoid integration. We have seen little indication of the white backlash in elections, because politicians, like the population in general, have been so brainwashed that they are ashamed to oppose the civil rights movement. About the only politicians who dare discuss the movement are the liberals who support it. Conservatives generally try to avoid the issue, or take meaningless stands. politically. Whites, by political action, could restore the crumbling foundations of their society, reestablish the Constitution as the law of the land, force repeal of unconstitutional civil rights laws that are transforming our nation into a socialist dictatorship. If whites are not given opportunity to protect their persons, properties, rights, and liberties by political action, they will inevitably resort to violence. Many conservatives despair of ever winning a significant number of elective offices from liberal Democrats and liberal Republicans who have bought their jobs by promising everyone something for nothing. It may be true that a majority of American voters can never be persuaded to vote against the socialist welfare state; but a majority of whites - even those who generally vote for liberals - would vote for intelligent conservatives taking sensible, unequivocal stands against the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement - designed to destroy our Republic, and thundering toward that goal with tornadic speed - could become the political issue with enough vitality and national appeal to save our Republic. REPRINTS OF THIS ISSUE (for bulk mailing to one address): $ .25 100 · copies 1 copy 10 copies 1.00 200 copies 500 copies 25 copies 2.00 50 copies 3.50 1000 copies 6.50 12.00 28.00 50.00 Texans Add 2% for Sales Tax If we had sound conservatives running for high office, campaigning openly on an anti-civil rights platform, the white backlash could express itself THE BONDAGE OF THE FREE $ THE DAN SMOOT REPORT TAYLOR 1-2303 BOX 9538 DALLAS, TEXAS 7521 4 (381 page p aperback) 1 copy ......................................$ 1.00 5 copies .................................... · 3.75 10 copies ·······················-··········· N ame 7.00 25 copies .................................... 16.75 Street Address 50 copies .................................... 32.50 100 copies .................................... 60.00 Enclose payment with order Page 128 City State Zip Code THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, Box 9538, Dallas, Texas 75214 The Dan Smoot Report, June 13, 1966 (Vol. 12, No. 24) �